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Is of 


The Wyoming History Journal 

Winter 2005 Vol. 77, No. 1 

'"Vl^!* ' I I I ' HMfc I I UK*" 


"Deer Creek Station" 

Drawing by C.Moellman 
American Heritage Center, 
University of Wyoming 

Deer Creek Station was established in 1857 as a trading post, consisting of a store, 
blacksmith shop, stage station, and post office. The area, at the confluence of Deer 
Creek and the North Platte River, was a popular camping spot for emigrants along 
the Oregon Trail. From 1857 to 1861 the station served as the headquarters for the 
Upper Platte Indian Agency. The Lutheran Church centered its missionary activity 
there Irom 1859 to 1864. From 1860 to 1866 the Pony Express used it and various 
army troops were garrisoned there. For a short time Deer Creek Station was the 
jumping oft point for the Bozeman Trail. During August 1866, a band of Indian 
warriors burned the station to the ground. Today the town of Glenrock sits on the 
site. C. Moellman, a bugler with Company G, 1 1th Ohio Volunteer Cavalry, created 
this image of Deer Creek Station during the 1860s. 

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Wyoming State His 
Publications ^i 

Barbara Bogai* 
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Marge Wiideivl 
Clara Vamer,' 
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Governor of Wyomii 

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Wyoming Dept. of Si 
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Cultural Resources Division ^., 

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University of Wyoming 

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OUver "Walter, Dean, Coll^ of Arts and 

Kristine Utterback, Chair, Dept. of 


7 r . MAR 2 4 2005 

rmmls of j i 


I he Wyoming Hi.stor\' [ournal 

Winter 2005 Vol. 77, No. 1 

A Look Into the Life of Thomas r 
Twiss, First Indian Agent at 
Fort Laramie 

Leslie Shiii"cj> 

Discrimination in the "Equality 
State": Black-White Relations in 
Wyoming History 

RcaL;an ji)\- Kaufman 

Ernest Hemingway in the Sunlight 
Basin of Wyoming 

Eiiiiene V. Moran 

BOOK Book Reviews 

1^E^(^4 tditcd by e ;ail HalllxTg 

Ci^Jir/J']; ii'iD/ij Contributors' Biographies 


Wyoming Picture 

Inside back co\'er 

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Prinred b)-: Pioneer Printing. Chevenne 
Graphic Design: Vicki Schuster 

^finals of VVyominq: The VVvominq Histon,' Journal -- Winter 2005 

Thomas S. Twiss. ca. 1860. Courtesy of the Museum of the 
American Indian. 


A Look Into the Life of 

Thomas Twiss, 

First Indian Agent at 

Fort Laramie 

By Leslie Shores 

On August 10, 1855, an unlikely event took 
place at Fort Laramie, headquarters ot the 
Upper Platte Indian Agency. Leaving home 
and family behind, a native New Yorker began the 
task of establishing peace and order at the largest and 
most important Indian agencv in the West. The as- 
signment was an arduous one, marked by personal 
and political complexities. Approximately fourteen 
himdred Cheyenne, sixteen htmdred Arapaho, and 
sixtv-fi\'e himdred Sioux were living in the Upper 
Platte area.' Even while locked in an internecine 
struggle for control of their fast-disappearing hunt- 
ing grounds, the tribes together opposed the infiltra- 
tion of whites into their countr\'. 

The new Indian agent, the first such agent the 
outpost had ever received, was Thomas S. Twiss. He 
was around fifty in age, an engineer by training and 
a teacher by background. Historians Alban W. 
Hoopes and Burton S. Hill have documented Twiss' 
career. Hoopes wrote of Twiss' career at the Upper 
Platte Indian Agency' and Hill continued the story 
following the end of Twiss' employment as Indian 
agent.' The rvvo authors describe Twiss' sympathy for 
his Indian charges and his conflict with militan' lead- 
ers sent to pacifv' the tribes, but they have told only 

' Alban Hoopes, "Thomas S. Twiss, Indian Agent on the Upper 

Platte, 1855 - 1861," The Mississippi Valley Historieal Review, 

XX dune 1933 to March 1934): 353. 
- Ibid. 
-' Burton S. Hill, Oil the Plane and North: Four Selected Articles of 

Western Histoiy (Buffalo, Wyoming: Buffalo Bulletin, 1960), pp. 


half of rhe ston' of this interesting man. 

Mv curiosity abotit Twiss began in 2001 while 
reading T.A. Larson's History of Wyoming. Ahhongh 
Twiss is mentioned onK' brieU}', the description oi 
the Indian agent is intriguing. Larson reveals that 
Twiss graduated second in his class at West Point, but 
later resigned his commission and came west to work 
as an Indian agent at Fort Laramie. I hat Iwiss felt 
great empath\' h)r the Indians in the Upper Platte 
agency is obvious Irom Larsons description o\ the 
agent's actions while in olfice. Twiss defended the 
Indians under his charge and protected their inter- 
ests, even to the detriment ol his own career.' Wh\' 
did Twiss resign his commission at West Pointr What 
made Twiss empathize so strongh' with a culture st) 
different from his own — a culture looked upon hx 
man\' of his contemporaries with little more than 
bigotr\' and scorn? Seeking the influences that cre- 
ated this man, I began to explore the roots of this 
little known figme in Fort Laramie history. 1 he re- 
ward was the discovery of the rich histor}' of a man 
who befriended and corresponded with a well-know n 
leader in women's eciucation, who married a remark- 
able female edticator, and w ho was a dedicated teacher 
in his own right. 

Twiss was born in 1802 in Trov, New York." The 
cit\' of Trov was relativelv votmg, having been estab- 
lished onl\- ten \'ears earlier. B\' 1802, the ntmiber of 
Trov residents was estimated between eleven htmdred 
and twelve hundred." Ihe early histor)' of the Iwiss 
family in Troy is still a puzzle. A search through Troy's 
1800 census did not reveal the names of Iwiss par- 
ents, although records in the archi\es at West Point 
offer a cltie. When Lhomas Iwiss entered West Point 
in 1822, his guardian was listed as Joseph Twiss of 
Manchester in Bennington County, Vermont. Per- 
haps the term "guardian referred to his father. As 
seen from his later correspondence, Twiss' parents 
were still alive when he graduated from West Point 
and they survived for many years thereafter. LJnfor- 
tunately, Twiss' letters never mentioned the names of 
his parents or siblings. The earliest years of Thomas 
Twiss' life remain somewhat of a mystery. 

The story of Twiss begins to come together tipon 
his arrival at West Point in 1 822. Twiss became a ca- 
det at the LInited States Militarv Academy at West 

Point when he was nineteen vears and ten months 
old. At this time, C^olonel SyKantrs rha\'er, known 
as the "Father of the i\lilitar\' Acadeni)'," ser\-ed as 
superintendent of West Point. Under I hayer's ad- 
ministration, academic standards at the academy were 
tipgraded, militar\' discipline was instilled, and hon- 
orable conduct was emphasized. Aware of the need 
for eni^ineers in the \'oung L'nited States, I ha\'er 
made civil engineering the foiuidation of the ctu'- 
riculum. Iwiss gradtiated second in his class as a civil 
engineer on |ul\' 21,1 82(1, and was promoteci to bre- 
vet, second lietitenant. Corps of Engineers.^ After 
graduation, Twiss became assistant professor of natu- 
ral and experimental philosoph\' at his alma mater.' 
He served under the poptdar Lietitenant-Colonel 
jared Mansfield, who was West Point's professor of 
nattiral and experimental philosoph\' from 1812 im- 
til his resignation m 1828.'" 

During his time at West Point, Twiss corresponded 
relativelv frequently with one of the leading lights in 
women's eciucation, Emma Willard. Willard was the 
foimder of the Fro\' Female Seminarx' in Iro\', New- 
York, in 1821. Fhe school was a beacon of rational 
education for women in the L'nited States." At the 
time of Emma Willard s upbringing, common opin- 
ion was against broaciening and enlarging educational 
opptinunities for women. Accomplishments thought 
suitable for women of the da\' included painting and 
embroider}', French, a song or two for compaii}', plac- 
ing the harpsichord, and making wax or shell orna- 
ments. A woman's place was always in the home of 
her htisband, or failing that, her nearest male rela- 

' T.A. Larson, History afW'yoDiitig (Lnicoln: University of Ne- 
braska Press, 1965). pp. 1~-18. 

George Cullum, Biographical Register of Officers and Gradu- 
ates of the U.S. Militatj Academy at West Point (Boston and 
New York: Houghton, Mifflin Company, 1891), 1: ib'^. 

" John Woodvvorth, Reiniinsceuces of Troy (Albany, New York: J. 
Munsell, 1860), p. 27. 
Cullum, Biogiaphical Register, p. 36^1. 

>< Ibid. 

■• Ibid. 

'" Roswell Park, .-) Sketch of the Histoiy and Topography of West 
Point and rhe i!.S. Militaiy Aeadcniy (Philadelphia: H. Perkins, 
IS.^0), pp. 68-69. 

' ' Alma Lutz, Emma Willard: Daughter of Democracy (Boston and 
New York: pp. Houghton Mifflin Company, 1929), pp. 3-6. 

'- Ibid., pp. 29-30. 

4 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Winter 2005 

Emma Willard, no date. From a photogravure in Emma Willard 
and her Pupils, published by IVlrs. Russell Sage; made from a 
painting by J, Ames. 

Emma Willard stepped away from these conven- 
tional ideas regarding women. In the spring of 1814, 
when just twenty-eight years old, Emma Willard 
opened a school in the home she shared with her 
husband. Dr. John Willard, and her toddler son. At 
first she taught the light, superficial studies then con- 
sidered suitable for girls, but gradually introduced 
higher subjects. She was eager to disprove the popu- 
lar fallacy that education undermined the health of 
young women.' ' Willard s school was a great success 
in every way, spurring her to work tor a tairer, better 
system of education for girls.'' In 1818, Willard 
completed a document titled a "Plan lor Improving 
Female Education." Her dream was to head an insti- 
tution endorsed by prominent men, an endowed in- 
stitution that would receive regular appropriations 
from the state, as did manv mens colleges. She sent 
her completed manuscript to New York Governor 
DeWitt Clinton,'^ who approved of her plan. He 
recommended to the New York legislature that a 
school for women be established and asked that 
Willard move her school to New York from her home 

in Vermont. Several prominent citizens of Waterford, 
New York, urged her to come there. Alter some de- 
lay, the New York legislature passed an act granting a 
charter to the "Witerford Academy for Young La- 
dies," said to be the first legislative measure recogniz- 
ing women's rights to higher education."' Later the 
school was moved to Troy, New York, where it re- 
mains today as the Emma Willard School. 

The origin oITwiss' and Willard's friendship is a 
mystery. Perhaps the Twiss family in Troy befriended 
the Willards, or perhaps there were school connec- 
tions through the daughters in the Twiss flimily. One 
reason for their later correspondence was Willards 
concern for the welfare of her only child, John Heart 
Willard, who joined Twiss at West Point around 1 826. 
Her son was homesick, reacting poorly to life at the 
military academy. In a letter dated October 7, 1826, 
Willard asked Twiss to take John as a roommate. 
"Gould he enjoy but for a time the benefits of your 
example and societ)' I should hope he would be quite 
cured of his discouraging; notions,"' she wrote to 
encourage the friendship. Twiss quickly agreed''^ and 
by late January of the next year could report that the 
young man had "done much credit in his recent ex- 
aminations and his standing is now about in the middle 
of his class."''' During his time at West Point, Twiss 
continueci to show a brotherly interest in the welfare 
of Willard's son. 

Fhrough his friendship with Willard, Twiss met 
Elizabeth Sherrill, one of the star pupils of the Troy 
Female Seminary. Shortly after their meeting in 1827 
Twiss fell deeply in love with Elizabeth. Born in 
Salisbury, Gonnecticut, in 1800, Elizabeth was the 
daughter of Sarah Fitch Sherrill, a descendant of 
Governor Trumbull and an early friend of Willard. 
Willard described Elizabeth as a child of "unusual 

" //w/., p. 55. 
'- //««'., p. 55. 
" Ibid., p. 6\. 
"• Ibid., p. 65. 
'" Emma Willard to Thomas Twiss, October 7, 1826. Henry 

Sheldon Museum ot Vermont History, Middlebury, 

'* Thomas S. Twiss to Emma Willard, October 16, 1826. 

Library, United States Military Academy, West Point, New 

''' Thomas Twiss to Emma Willard, Januar\' 7, 1826. Emma 

Willard School Archives, Troy, New York. 

Annais of Wyoming The VVvoniing His'orv Journal - Winter 20C5 

, ,IH.;^CiI2TCK'. 


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Tn (n 1 7 :. »/. / /. / ; sk. mi. win 

((KV-viTTt't: Of i„inn^ 

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M vu\ M ^|l^;^ it. 
wi.n.ii \ l.\^^*. 
i.^ niA u \uiaN. 
•■,\l,i,\ iii.i--. 
f:i.l/. VIlfTil I.VM A.N. 
,M,\H\ II.VI.E. 

Catalogue of the Troy Female Seminary dated 1 824 showing Eliza- 
beth Sherrill as a teacher in the school (Miss Sherrill s name is 
bolded by the author) Courtesy the Emma Willard School, Troy, 
New York, 

heaut)', sweetness of temper, and intelligence."'" She 
grew ver\' f-ond ot Elizabeth, caring tor and educat- 
ing her as it she had been her own daughter. Eliza- 
beth attended Willarchs fu'st school in Middleburv, 
Vermont. At hnnteen, while still a pupil herself, Eliza- 
beth was entrusted with classes, for which she dail\' 
prepared by stud\'ing the lessons in advance. At the 
same time, under Willard's super-vision, she drew maps 
and compiled books ot geographv and histon', which 
Willard later published. Elizabeth accompanied her 
benefactor to Waterford, New York, and, when the 
school was established inTro\', she was appointed \ice- 
principal and teacher of drawing, English, French, 
and music.'' 

In a letter to Willard written in \4av 1 827, Twiss 

mentioned his increasing regard for Elizabeth. He 
explained that his "principal and important reason 
for x'isitint; 1 ro\' ar present is to see i\4iss Sherrill. . . to 
sa\' that i am highU' pleased wnh her from otu" short 
accjuaintance, wotrld be a feeble expression o\ m\' 

feelings ' '' Twiss wrote again three weeks later of 

his recent \isit to Elizabeth. He could not wait to 
share his news, but \\ rote his letter aboard a teetering 
ship retruning him to West Point: "Now a word re- 
gards ourselves (1 mean \'our dear adoptee! daughter 
& myself); we arranged every thing to our mutual 
satisfaction. ..there was a mutual & reciprocal ex- 
change of all that can lender us happ\' m this worlci. "' 
Willard responded with '\o\- to the news of their po- 
tential marriage: "It is a union that 1 appro\'e. \our 
engagement has proceeded on correct principles. \ou 
have chosen each other on account of personal merit 
ain.1 1 think \'ou will neither of you be disappointed. ""' 
In |anuar\- 1 (S28, Twiss wrote to Willard that he 
intended to appl\' for a furlough of six months from 
West Point in oi'der to trawl to Sparta, Georgia, to 
marrv Elizabeth. "^ Elizabeth had recently left the 
seminai'\' to take charge of a female academx' m Sparta 
with another of Willard's prominent students, |ulia 
Pierpont Wariie. Upon learning of Iwiss hope to 
many Elizabeth within six months, Willard wiote a 
touchinsi letter to her adopted daughter. I he senti- 
meiits expressed to Elizabeth are characteristic of the 
motherh' interest with which Mrs. Willard followei.1 
the fortunes of her pupils and teachers: 

Here this letter been till ex.iniination is o\er. I li\e 
the same hurried life \'et, as \'ou will see b\ this. But 
\'oii iiiList not think 1 do not l(i\e \'ou. I assure \'ou 
m\ heart and mind are iittcn with \ou, and at this 
time 1 feel anxietv for \-ou, that were I permitted tti 

-" Mary J. Mason Fairbank.s and Russell Sage, Emma WIlLird 
iinii her Pupils: or f7/ri' Ye,jrs of Troy Fevhilc Siininary, 1822- 
18~2 (Nesv York: Mrs. R. Sage, 18^)8), p. 104. 

-' Ibifi., pp. 104-106. 

-' Thomas Twiss to Kmni.i W'ill.ird, Mav l"", 182"". Emm.i 
Willard School Archives. 

-' Thomas Twiss to Emma Willard, June 4, 182". Emma 
Willard School Archives. 

'^ Emma Willard to Twiss, June 8, 1827. Henry 
Sheldon Museum of Vermont Histor,-. 

-^ Thomas Twiss to Emma Willard. January 2.s, 1828. Emma 
Willard School Archives. 

6 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming Histon' Journal -- Winter 2005 

see tor a time, an\- one absent person, I should get on 
to the broomstick, and htirn- through the air to see 
\-ou. I often set you before my mind's eye, and hincy 
how vour new honors become you. I think you must 
cut a kuin\' figiu-e, imless you leave oft some of your 
jimips; and I am not without my fears, that you will 
injure \-ourselt in some sudden agitation. You will I 
think consider it incumbent upon \'ou, to let your 
mental gravir\' increase with your physical. I was much 
astonished at the intelligence, that you had concluded 
to take Mrs. Warne's establishment."'' I have no doubt 
that Mr. Twiss and vourself will do well in it and I 
think vou will be happier than in leading a less settled 
lite. It is the kind of life to which you are accustomed, 
a kind of business which you understand and it will be 
I doubt not more agreeable to you than housekeep- 
ing. The term companionship seems a favorite one to 
express the happiest state of connubial life. Mr. Twiss 
and yourself pursuing the same object, will have every 
advantage to enjov this companionship and such is 
the placid and rational and consistent tenor ol his way; 
and such is the kind, far-seeing, and I may add the 
brilliant one of yours that I indulge the most sanguine 
hopes that }'our baik will slicie steadilv and galiantlv 
along to the haven t)f success. My greatest fears are for 
vour health.' 

The "jumps" and "sudden agitations" as well as the 
tears tor her adopted daughter's health offer clues to 
Elizabeth's nervous temperament and delicacy, both 
of which became more apparent as the years pro- 

Twiss received his tiulough from the military acacl- 
emy and began the journey to Sparta on June 16, 
1828. He reached his destination on July 2 and eleven 
days later, on July 1 3, he and Elizabeth wed. He wrote 
to Willard four days later: "We were married. . . in the 
Methodist Episcopal Church [in Sparta]. To say that 
we are the happiest of beings in the world wotdd be 
using the common language of all newly married 

persons — You may be assured that we are happy " '** 

Willard responded with congratulations to the new- 
Iweds and a gift of five hundred dollars, as well as a 
special word for her former pupil: "I rejoice in your 
marriage my dear daughter, because I do believe you 
will be happier than you have ever been before.""'' 

The couple enjoyed only a few short months to- 
gether before the Corps of Engineers at West Point 

directed Twiss to report to Newport, Rhode Island, 
where he was to sei^e as assistant engineer in the con- 
struction of Fort Adams.'" Upon returning to Sparta 
after a six-month absence, he found Elizabeth in the 
midst of a "multiplicit}' of cares and duties which she 
assumed at the commencement of the [school] 
term."'' He wrote to Willard on April 6, 1829: "To 
continue my jotu'ney, anci leave her with the charge 
of this institution upon her hands I could not. Ac- 
cordingly I sent on my resignation to Washington 
which will most probably be accepted."'' In January 
1829, the Sparta school had been given over com- 
pletely to Elizabeth and Thomas. Although Julia 
Warne, Elizabeth's former partner, had remained at 
the school during Twiss' absence, she had taken no 
active part in school affairs or in student instruction. 
Elizabeth had been the sole administrator most of 
the time Thomas had been away. '' 

At the time the Twisses took charge of the girls' 
academy in Sparta, they had more than one hundred 
students. Thomas wrote to Willard that "Mrs. Wirne 
has given a character and reputation to this Academy 
— It has great popidaritv' and celebrit}' throughout 
[Georgia] - If we can keep alive that feeling of confi- 
dence we shall meet with the greatest success. ""* But 
problems began to arise by April 1829 as Elizabeth's 
mental state began to fail. Though phvsically well, 
her wide-ranging duties at the academy had become 
more stressful. Wrote Twiss: 

'Julia Pierpont Warne was to give administration of the Sparta 

school to Elizabeth and Twiss the next year. Formerly 

Elizabeth and Julia had been partners in running the school. 
' Emma Willard to Elizabeth Sherrill, February 21, 1828. 

Emma Willard School Archives. 
' Thomas Twiss to Emma Willard, July 17, 1828. Emma 

Willard School Archives. 
' Emma Willard to Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Twiss, September 

15, 1828. Heniy Sheldon Museum of Vermont History. 
' Cullum, Biographical Register, p. 365. 
' Thomas Twiss to Emma Willard, April 6, 1829. Emma 

Willard School Archives. 
' Thomas Twiss to Emma Willard, April 6, 1829. Emma 

Willard School Archives. 
' Thomas Twiss to Emma Willard, April 6, 1829. Emma 

Willard School Archives. 
' Thomas Twiss to Emma Willard, April 6, 1829. Emma 

Willard School Archives. 

She thinks herselt able to discharge her duties, and is 
so anxious to do all in her power, that I find, or think 
I find, it difiicult to keep her quiet, and her mind at 
rest - Often she will conmuie hei exertions till the 
school is dismissed - and then she finds herself quite 
exhausted and wearied out. . .It is probable this month, 
before its close, will bring her new and se\ere trials - 1 
feel much anxiet\' on her account.'^ 

1 he trial in sttire tor Kli/abeth cotild have been 
the birth of their first child, a trial all the more severe 
in the da\'s before anesthetics and of high childbirth 
niortalit}'. On June 27, 1 82'-), Iwiss wrote to Willarcl 
"votir Grancl-datighter is in good health - her name 
is Julia Emma Elizabeth ..." "' After the birth of their 
daughter, Elizabeth fell \ er\ ill. Twiss wrote to Willatd: 

I devote a few moments to sa\' a word to \'ou, dear 
Mother; it has scarceK' been in mv power to write \ou 
as 1 would w ish since m\- last of 1 ()"' Ma\' - I h,i\e had 
the whole weight of the school upon m\' hands - Fli/.i- 
beth has been quite ill - she still continties weak - but 
I think is regaining her health.' 

The next month Iwiss wrote once more to 
Willatd. Although the tone of his letter is upbeat, 
problems are apparent. "Elizabeth's health is not vet 
restored - she is quite weak - but I think she gains - 
although slowl)'. We ba\e no one to assist tis as yet - 
But the dtities are not too laborious - and I think 
there will not be more than (i() ptipils this term."'''^ 
Decreasing enrollment, along with an ailing wife and 
a newborn to care for could onlv have been a heavy 
burden for the \'otmg teacher and administrator. 
Three davs after this letter was written, the U. ,S. Mili- 
tary Academy at West Point accepted Twiss's resigna- 

Almost fne months later, Elizabeth still had not 
recovered her mental or physical health. It is possible 
that she suffered from post-parrum depression. A let- 
ter she wrote to Willard in C\-tober 182^^) is filled 
with thoughts of sadness and death: 

Often 1 have taken m\ pen to wtite btit so much 
suffering would come to mind and it appeared so en- 
tirely impossible for me to write without telling \-ou 
all that feeling. 1 was in too dispirited a mood, i would 

throw aside mv pen. I could wish to watch o\er mv 
infant child, but to raise the treasine - I do not expect 

it. '" 

Public pessimism abotit the educational s\'stem for 
southern girls probabK'did not help her attitude. She 
wrote in the same letter: 

Ironi various sources 1 learn that \dur iiiipro\'ements 
in edtication are becoming more generallv extended at 
tine north. /\s to this region the legislature will do 
nothing for us poor females \et. Indeed were applic.i- 
tion now to he iilrIc ob|ectioiis would doubtless he 
brought to the loc.ition, for though healthful, we ha\e 
been of late an\tliing but pe.iceful. That is main- of 
our citizens are sueh fighting chatacters that consider- 
able exeitement had been pr.ieticed.' 

Unfortunately, not man\- of Elizabeths letters remain 
in the archives. She, far moie than bet husband, was 
inclined to re\eal her honest opinions abotit edtica- 
tional matters for women of the period. 

During his wife's illness and depression, Iwiss 
spent mtich of his time caring for his daughter, whom 
the couple called Emma or Emma Elizabeth. The 
io\' of her company seemed to surprise him; he was 
proud of and intellectualK' ctirious abotit her earh' 
abilities, no matter how small the feat. He wrote an 
affectionate letter to Willard w hen Emma Elizabeth 
was about eighteen nuinths of age: 

1 ma\' he, hut I think her dn interesting ehild, 
and \'ou w ill s,i\-, W here is there a parent that docs not 
think in the same manner? But I wish \ou could see 
her, \'oii would then see that 1 h,i\e good reason to he 
partial. . .she is a good child and ne\er cries or frets - I 

'"■ IVvis^ 1(1 Hmm.i WilLird, April (>, liS2'). Enini.i 

Willard School Archives. 
"'lliom,is Iwiss to Emni.i W'ill.ird, Iliiic 2~, 182'^). F.iiinu 

Willard School Archives. 
' 1 to Emm.i \X ill.iid. Kinc 2~, 1X2*5. Emma 

WilLird School Archives. 
" 1 fwiss to Enini.i Will.ird, JuK' 11, 1X2'). Eiiini.i 

WilLird School Archives. 
'" CAdlum, Biogi-iiphicnl Ri'gisttr. p. .sd'^. 
'" Elizabeth Sherrill Twiss to Emma Willard, October 11, 

1829. Emma Willard School Archi\es. 
'' Elizabeth Sherrill Twiss to Emma Willard, October 1 1. 

1829. Emma Willard School Archives. 

Annals of Wvomjnq: The Wvominq HJston; Journal -• Winter 2005 

wish vou could see her now - tor I hardly think she 
will e\'er be more interesting.'" 

Perhaps due to his background at West Point, the 
political situation in France also interested Twiss at 
this time. Among her many friends Willard counted 
the now elderh' Lahi\'ette, hero ot the American Revo- 
lution. To Willard Twiss wrote: 

rhe athiirs ot revolunonar\' France contmue to absorb 

m\' whole attention I read e\ er\- line, scrap and word; 

over and o\'er again it it tails in my wa\'... there is no 
nation like the French - we see our venerable Latavette 
again at the head ot the Nat. Guarcis, inspiring them 
with the Lo^■e ot Liberr\' and Social order."" 

Years later, when Twiss took up his duties as Indian 
agent at Fort Laramie, his interest in French politics 
continued. Oiuside the sutler store he would com- 
pare with whomever would listen Sherman's Ci\'il War 
techniques and those emplo\'ed bv the lighting men 
in the French Revolution.^' 

Sometime after November 1 830, Iwiss and his 
tamily moved to Augusta, Georgia, to lead that city's 
Male and Female Academy.""^ Elizabeth still suttered 
trom ill health, possiblv due to birth ot a second 
daughter, Sarah, between 1831 and the end ot Sep- 
tember 1832.^" Correspondence trom this period is 
scarce, but it appears that Twiss had become dissatis- 
fied with his \-ocation as teacher and school adminis- 
trator. Willard wrote in 1 832 asking him to consider 
opportunities she might have tor him: 

Your weltare often occupies m\ mind - and 1 some- 
times form projects tor you. I belie\e 1 told \'ou that I 
had taken some steps towards your receiving an invi- 
tation to the Brooklyn Institute - but probablv un- 
successful - as I have heard nothing trom \ou on the 
subject. I wish however that betore vou make a de- 
cided move as to what you shall do and where you 
shall go. . .you would give me an opportunity to speak 
— as 1 might ha\'e something in mind ior \oin- aclvan- 

By 1835, the decision had been macle for them. 
Elizabeth's health had deteriorated to the point that 
keeping the school in Augusta was impossible. The 

couple resigned and Twiss became professor of math- 
ematics, astronomy, and intellectual philosophy at the 
College ot Columbia, South Carolina.^** 

When Twiss began teaching at the South Caro- 
lina college in 1835, the school had achieved a repu- 
tation tor academic excellence in the classical tradi- 
tion and was known as one ot the best-endowed and 
most distinguished collea,es in the United States.^'' 
Twiss purchased a tarm in Wynantskill, New York, 
where he established his ailing wife, two daughters, 
Elizabeth's mother, and his parents.^" During three 
months ot the year Twiss would visit his tamily at the 
tarm, but, tiring ot long separations, the tamiK' fi- 
nally joined him in South Carolina."' In 1837, their 
third and last child, Man.', was born to the couple.^- 
TheTwisses personally supervised the studies of their 
two older daughters. The girls were eciucated "in the 
atmosphere ot the college communit}', and in the halls 
ot the college libraiy they browsed at liberty in the 
fields ot English literature."^' Mother and daughters 
made long visits to the Wynantskill farm and later 
the girls attended Mrs. Willard's temale academy in 

During this period, the Twiss daughters main- 
tained a lively correspondence with Elizabeth's mother, 
communicating a happy rural lite ot tamily-centered 

"*- Thomas Twiss to Emma Willard, October 13, 1830. Emma 
Willard School Archives. 

'-' Thomas Twiss to Emma Willard, October 13. 1830. Emma 
Willard School Archives. On July 26, 1830, the Ktng of 
Erance unilaterally dissolved parliament, an action to which 
the Parisian population responded with revolution. Charles 
abdicated on August 2 and Louis-Phillippe, Duke of 
Orleans, was crowned on August 9. The events ot July to 
August, 1830, spelled the end ol ultraroyalist policy. Daniel 
Schmidt, "The Foreign Policy ot Louis Philippe, 1830-1832: 
A Study in Inter\'entionist Diplomac\" (Ph.D. dissertation 
Marquette University, 1976). 

■"* Hill, On die Plane and North, p. 80. 

"" Fairbanks and Sage, Emma Willard and Her Pupils, p. 104. 

■"" Emma Willard to Thomas Twiss, September 30, 1832. 
Emma Willard School Archives. 

"• Emma Willard to Thomas Twiss, September 30, 1832. 
Emma Willard School Archives. 

■"* Fairbanks and Sage, E)iniia Willard and Her Pupib, p. 613. 

""'' Universit)' ot South Carolina, Office of the President, http:/ 

"' Fairbanks and Sage, Emma Willard and Her Pupils, p. 106. 

'' Ihid., p. 613. 

'- Oakwood Cemetery records, Troy, New York. 

''-' Fairbanks and Sage, Emma Willard and Her Pupils, p. 106. 

activities. While attending the Troy Female Seminary, 
the Iwiss girls \isited their W\'nantskill home at e\'- 
erv opportLinit\'. 1 he k)lk)\\ing lettci', written hv 
daughter lunma HIizabeth in Hecember 1843, gi\'es 
a charming glimpse into the famiK's interactions: 

We heard horn iathcr a sluirt time since & he sa\'S his 
hcahli is better than was pre\'ioiis. \Xc did not eat too 
much on Thanksgi\ing da\' lor I onh' ate one piece of 
mince pie &: some tLirke\' & 1 think tliat I was \cr\' 
moderate indeed. \lar\' is stiid\ing her irciKJi \erv' 
iiard & It wiitikl aniiisc \ou to see iier practice on the 
piano for she puts a piece ot m\' music before lier & 
plays 1 know not what lor there is kind ol tune to 

Other letters hom the Iwiss datighters mention \'isits 
to friends, a mathematical ptizzle gi\en to k'nima 
Elizabeth hv her hither to sharpen her nnnd, sch(.)oh 
work, a new pupp\', Fwiss' visits to his himilw and a 
package oi calico and snulf lor Elizabeth's mother 
The girls appear happ\' and heahh\' and HIizabeth 
seemed in good spirits despite an attack ol pleurisy 
from which she was reco\ering in hme 1844. Twiss 
referred to the W\'nantskill hum as his "Cit\' of Ref- 
uge," indicating a deep attachment to the famih- 

For imknown reasons, in 184'^ Iwiss resigned his 
position at the South Carolina college to become su- 
perintendent of the Nesbitt Manufacturing 
Company's Irt)n Works in Spartanlnirg, South Caro- 
lina. Elis famil\- li\ed with him there at least a por- 
tion of the time.'" In 18^0, Twiss became the Resi- 
dent and Consulting Engineer for the Buffalo aiul 
New York Railroad." That same year, Elizabeth and 
her daughters took up petmanent residence at the 
Wynantskill farm. B\- this time Elizabeth was de- 
scribed as an invalid. Though her particular disabilirv' 
is not known, it appears that Elizabeth's ner\'ous con- 
dition had become more pronounced. A neighbor 
reported her appearance at his homestead "half- 
clothed" and saying that she had run awa\' from 
home.'"''* Perhaps due to her mother's deteriorating 
mental condition, the \'oun"est daughter Mar\' never 
married, instead caring for her mothet tiiitil 
Elizabeth's death in 1866. 

At the time of Elizabeths death, Thomas had al- 
read\' finished his career as Indian agent at Fort 
1 araniie and had been lix'ing in the West lor ele\cn 
vears. I le had married a Sioux woman and had sev- 
eral children with hen He rarely made \isits to his 
New York farm. For undiscoxered reasons Fwiss left 
his "C'it\' of Refuiie" for the unknowns of life in the 
West. Despite his new home and wife, it appears the 
marriage between Elizabeth and 1 homas remameel 
intact until her death. Correspondence from this pe- 
riod was not found so it is uncertain if he remained 
in contact with Elizabeth and his ciaughters. Fdiza- 
beth named him as her htisbanel anel as executor ol 
her will."' Perhaps she ne\er knew of the life her 
husband had fashioned in the West. 

Twiss did not leave his home in W\'nantskill w ith- 
out hesitation. Fwiss accepted the office of Indian 
agent of the Upper Platte District on March 1 ~, 1 8'i'i. 
Flowe\er, on April 12, 18^^, writing from Buffalo, 
New York, to the commissioner of Indian affairs, 
Twiss \\ ithdrew his acceprance. But eight ela\s later, 
on April 20, Iwiss wrote the eoinmissioner agam H) 
sa\' he could accept the office and on the following 
cia\' he wrote that he wotild teport to Washington m 
petson."" Was his hesitation on account of his m- 
creasintjlv invaliel w Ife and his fear to lea\e his famiK' 
alone? The cause of Fwiss indecision remains un- 

After Fwiss accepted the job of Indian agent, 
e\ents mo\eel qiiicklv Within fotir months, on Au- 
gust 10, 18'S3, the former school administrator and 
mathematics professor arrived at Fort Earamie. LJpon 
his arrival at Fort Laramie, Fwiss reported to authori- 
ties that he belieNcd the Indians within his agency 
were "entirely peaceful." Twiss had allies in his sym- 
pathetic view of the Indians in Superintendent Alfred 
Cumming and Commissioner of Indian Affairs 

^' Twiss family to Sar.ih Fitch, Dceemlicr, lS-l3. Henry 

Sheldon Museum ot Vermont Histon-. 

"^ Fairbanks and Sage, Emma Willard and Her Pitpih, p. 613. 

^" IbiA. 

''' Hill, Oil the I'Lutc ami Niirth. p. ~2. 

'* Last Will and Festament ot Eli/-abeth Shenill Iwiss, ISdd. 

Renssalaer Historical Society, Troy, New York, 

" Last Will and Festament ot Elizabeth Sherrill Twiss, lSt)(). 

Renssalaer Historical Society, Troy. New York. 

"" Hill, On the Platte and North, p. 'l. 

; Annals of VVyominp: The Wyoming Hisiory Journal -- Winter 2005 

Deer Creek Station during the 1860s^ Courtesy the American Heritage Center. University of Wyoming. 

George W. Manypenny of the Department of the 
Interior. This alHance would occasionally help when 
Twiss disputed actions taken by the militar}'. The new 
Indian agent was extremeh' adverse to the pimitixe 
actions of" militan,' personnel toward the tribes in his 
ao;encv. "' 

Hoopes described an early and characteristic in- 
cident in which Twiss raised the ire of a prominent 
arm\' general. Twiss strongly opposed an expedition 
by General William S. Harne}' to pimish collecti\'ely 
the Sioux for several killings and robberies commit- 
ted by a few individuals during the winter of 1854- 
1855. After Harney's expedition, in which Little 
Thunders band of Brule Sioux was killed,"^ the gen- 
eral began negotiations in November 18^5 to restore 
peace. Angered by the action against his charges and 
distiu'bed that the peace negotiations were conclucted 
primarily by a biased military, Twiss prevented Brule 
and Oglala Sioux representatives from attending 
Harne\''s preliminary coimcil in Februar\- 1856. 
Harney responded bv instructing Golonel William 
Hoffman (commander at Fort Laramie) to prevent 
the Indian agent from dealing with the Cheyenne, 
Arapaho, and Sioux in the area. Showing a certain 
propensit)' for David and Goliath struggles against 
authorities he believed were in the wrong, Twiss rec- 
ommended that the trading license of suppliers Ward 
and Guerrier be revoked because he believed the 
merchants were trading with the Indians in violation 
of the law. Hoffman, angered at this recommenda- 

tion, was only too ready to strike back at the agent. 
Twiss was suspended as Indian agent, although he ar- 
gued that he was answerable to Commissioner 
Man\'penn\' and the Interior Department, not to the 
War Department and Harney. A letter from Harney 
to Fort Laramie's commander in August 1 856 restored 
Twiss as Indian agent; this settled the quarrel, but did 
little to alleviate the lingering animosit}'.''' 

What was the source of this animosit)'? The two 
parties could scarceh' have held more divergent view- 
points on the appropriate method of dealing with 
the Indians. The typical military approach consisted 
of gaining peace by frequent chastisement of the 
tribes, while Twiss favored the more conciliatory 
method of holding frequent councils with the offend- 
ing parties. In these councils, Twiss would embody 
the voice of reason as he sought to convince the Chey- 
enne and Sioux that depredations on their part would 
onlv lead to retaliation by the United States govern- 
ment. After a set of robberies and killings by the Chey- 
enne and Arapaho from 1854 to 1856, Twiss held a 
series of: these councils with the Cheyenne chiefs. The 
Cheyenne responded in a conciliatory manner, agree- 

"' Hoopes, "Thomas S. T\, p. 335. 

''- Alb.iii Hoopes pointed out that Little Thunder's band was 
north of the Platte River, despite Twiss' warnings that all 
tribes should stay south of the Platte to avoid confrontation 
with the military. Though innocent of wrongdoing, even 
the Sioux admitted in a later council that Little Thunder 
had been in the wrong by disregarding Twiss' advice. House 
Exec. Docs., 34 Cong., 1 Sess., L Part 1, p. 401. 

''' Hoopes, "Thomas S. Twiss," pp. 358-361. 

of ''A'\'0'riirq: I he '.'Vvoniina Histcrv .Joi'.niry. ■■ ';';';['! 


ing to cease hostilities and to return a white bov held 
captive. A captive woman was also to be dehvered to 
Twiss, but she escaped horn the Che\'enne behire the 
transaction could be completed.'" Ivviss' method ap- 
peared successhd as the C'he\'enne lemained peaceful 
for the remainder oi the vear and throuiih the siun- 
mer of 18S7. The peace was tiestroved when a new- 
secretary oi war, John B. Floyci, orciered an expedi- 
tion to pimish the Cdie\'enne lor past actions.'" Ihe 
all-too-apparent folly of this plan did not stop the 
military from coming into the L'pper Platte area in 
pursuit of the Cheyenne. In Jtilv, trt)ops encoimteted 
a principal village. Although few castialties occurred, 
the troops destroyed the entire village and all of the 
property they found there."" The expedition onlv 
embittered the alread\' ed2;v Che\'enne. 

[Respite these setbacks, Ivviss continued his at- 
tempts to bring abom the pacification of the Sioux 
and Cdie\enne. Hoopes distilled from reports three 
factors that Fwiss believed were essential for the bet- 
terment of the Plains Indians: 

• Mote militat}' posts to enfotce peace. 

• Introduction oi agricultiue to bting about a 
more sedentaiy lite. 

• A missionary presence to introduce Christian- 
ity to the tribes." 

Twiss pointed out in a letter ro Man\'penn\- that the 
Indians were "not being improved, btn rather dete- 
riorating, and becoming worse from year to year.""'^ 
Iwiss blamed the deterioration on the influence of 
whites who resided in the area, people who were not 
interested in civilizing the Indians bin were them- 
selves fugitives from civilization. 

Without explanation, Twiss moved from Fort 
Laramie to Deer Creek in 18S7. Deer Creek was 
located on the C^verland road, about one himdred 
miles north and west of Fort Laramie. In this move, 
Twiss practically deserted the more friendly bands of 
Oglala and Brules, and cast his lot with another band 
of Sioux who were now hunting on the head of the 
Powder River, onh' a short distance north of I^eer 
Creek."' Why did Iwiss make such a decision? Twiss 
may have been motivated less by friendship than by 
a concern for his own comfort and con\'enience. " 

Deer Creek had ^ood water, an abundance of grass, 
and proximity to a good supply of timber Buildings 
already existed at Deer Creek due to a Mormon way- 
station that pre\ioiLsl\' existed there. Prior to this 
move, ptobably before March 18^(i, Iwiss had taken 
up with an C^galala girl named Waniki\'ewin, although 

Fwiss callecl her Marv. She was the daughter ot Stand- 
ing Idk, who afterwards received many favors from 
his son-in-law. ' 

While Iwiss was comfortable at Deer Creek, his 
difficulties continued. I he tribes frecjuently com- 
plained thev were not receiving their fair share of 
stores provided b\' the federal goxernment, .uid they 
disliked coming to Deer Creek for them. 1 liere was 
also a complaint by certain officials that Indians could 
obtain whiskey in the vicinity. A report to the secre- 
tar\' of the interior accused Twiss of giving goods 
meant for the Indians to a friend, local trader |oseph 
Bissonette. 1 be report added that Fw iss" actions wete 
leading to fiuther Indian difficulties. ' All the while, 

Iwiss continued making long and carefulK' written 
reports to his Wtshina;ton superiors. 1 hese reports 
featured some of the same themes Fwiss had expressed 
while at Fort Faramie. Fwiss wrote of the marginal 
existence of the Indians due to the scarcit\' of the 
larger game animals they once relied upttn. He pro- 
posed expensive schemes of agriculttire and crop rais- 
ing to be taught as a substitute lifestvle, and he reiter- 
ated the need for missionaries to introduce Cdiris- 
tianit\' to the tribes. ' 

Iwiss was re-appointed as Indian agent on March 
.1, 18S9, but had little time to finalize his proposals. 
The election of Abraham Fincoln and the resulting 
change in administration in 1860 prompted Fwiss to 
tender his resitination in Februarx' 18(il to (diaries 

"• Ibid., p. 302. ..V • 

"^ Ibid. 

'" Ibid., p. .^63. 

'■' Ibid. 

"^ Twiss to Manypenny, September 12, 18s6, Senate Exec. 

Docs., 34 Cong., 3 Sess., [I, p. 646. 
"" Hill, On the Platte and North, p. ^6. 
" George E. Hyde, Red Cloud's Folk: A Hisron of the Oglala 

Sioux Indians (Norman: L'niversir}' of Oklahom.i P^cs^, 

1937), p. 94. 
"' W,d,. 

^' Ibid, pp. 77-78, 
^' Ibid., p. 78. 

1 2 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Winter 2005 

E. Mix, Ad Interim Commissioner oi Indian Alfairs. 
In his own words, Twiss resigned "in order that the 
new Administration may have this public office at its 
disposal on the 4"'' of March without being under 
the necessit}' of my removal." ' Although Twiss was 
no longer Indian agent, he continued communica- 
tion with the Bureau oI Indian Afiairs. Twiss sent 
letters and reports to the biu'eati in concern over the 
settlement ol his accounts, and in an apparent ellort 
to justify some of his acts in office. 

Following his resignation, Twiss contintied to live 
at Deer Creek. Oscar Collister told oi his acquain- 
tance with the lormer Indian agent when the former 
arri\ed at the Deer Creek Station in 1861 to become 
a telegrapher. Twiss sought out Collister, who was a 
repiuable chess player, and the two became firm 
hicnds. Collister recalled that news ol the Civil War 
was of" great interest to Twiss. '' Captain Eugene E. 
Ware also noticed Twiss" keen interest in the events 
oi the war. Ware recounted a time when Twiss visited 
the sutler's store at Fort Laramie. Twiss sat at a bench 
surroimded hv Indian women beautihdly dressed in 
Mackinaw blankets and listened to officers discuss- 
ing Grant's Vicksburg campaign. Alter listening tor 
a while, Twiss got up and began marking in the sand 
the Napoleonic campaigns and those of General 
Grant. All listenecl with great attention to his sen- 
sible demonstration. The next daw Ware related, Twiss 

dated April 7, 1871, from the Indian agent at 
Whitstone Agency, Dakota Territorv, to the commis- 
sioner of Indian affairs in Washington, D.C. asking 
for $125.00 to move Mary and her children to 
Whitstone. There the family came under the care of 
her brother. Fie Crow."' 

It is certain that Thomas Twiss was a man of in- 
telligence and determination who was devoted to his 
ideals, although at times beyond the measure of prac- 
ticality. Twiss attempted to take actions that he felt 
were correct and beneficial to those who depended 
on him, but these actions were not always farsighted 
or successful. The reasons for his actions were often 
mysterious, reflecting the continuing mysten,' of the 
man himself. Parts of his life will remain a closed book 
until other avenues of discovery are found. Who were 
his parents and what t\'pe of upbringing did he have? 
What of his early life in Tro)'? How did he make the 
acquaintance of the remarkable educator Emma 
Willard? Why did he leave his comfortable home and 
loving family for life on the western frontier? Answers 
to these tjuestions may explain some of the psycho- 
logical perplexities of Thomas Twiss, but at least for 
now, the questions will ha\e to remain unanswered. 


Twiss mo\'ed from Deer Creek to Rtdo, 
Richardson Counrv', Nebraska, by 1870. " The cen- 
sus shows Twiss, his wife Mary, age 34, a daughter 
Francis, 15, and five sons. Bridge, 11, Charles, 9, 
William, 7, Franklin, 5, and Joseph, 3. All of the 
children were attending school, except Joseph. His 
real estate holdings were valued at $500 and personal 
properrv' at $150. One of Twiss' grandsons, Louis 
Twiss, related that Twiss had taken up forty acres in 
Rulo to start a fruit orchard in 1871, but he died the 
same year. '' Twiss' sister came from the East to settle 
his estate."" She returned to her home in New York 
with Louis's father, William, and tried to educate him, 
but it did not work out well. William returned to 
find his brothers "running wild" with the Spleen Band 
Camp. The last word heard from the Twiss family is 
from his Sioux wife, Mary, in the form of a request 

'■* Ibid., p. 79. 

^' Ibid. 

'*" Oscar Collister, "Life of Oscar Collister," Annab ofWyomiug, 7 

(July 1930): 349. 
"^ Eugene F. Ware, The Indian Warof 186-1 (New York: St. Martin's 

Press, 1960), p. 211. 
'» Hill, On the Plane and North, p. 81 . 
"> Ibid. 
™ Ibid 
»' Ibid., pp. 81-82. 

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journa! -Winter 2005 

Discrimination in the "EquaKty State" 





ing the 
of racial 
tensions in 
rather than 
solely focus- 
ing on the 
South, is 
pertinent to 
rounding out 
the study of 
the civil 
rights move- 

By Reagan Joy 'KsLufmam, 

In the wake oi the 1*^)^4 liroicji \. BoiDyI of hjlitcdtioii decisiiin, W\'oming 
repealed a permissive school segregation law that had been on the books For 
nearly ninety years.' The repeal of the state's segregation statute attracted 
little attention from Wyomingites. In tact, the \\\'0)ni}ig State Trihiiiic ineiitioned 
the change only in a small, corner hont-page article.' Ciovernor Milward Simpson 
believed that the lack of publicity sprang horn the htct that there had "never been 
any segregation in the schools of Wyoming."' Although little was said about the 
rescinding of the law in Wyoming, a southern newspaper noted that the repeal 
restricted "opposition to the Supreme Court desegregation decision {Rroiun v. 
Board of l'(luciitioii\ to the Solid Sotith."' Although local school boards ne\er 
in\oked the permissive school segregation law, W\'oming — a state Kir remo\'ed 
hom the South — was hardly void of racial discrimination. Understanding the 
prevalence ol racial tensions m W\'oming, rather than soleh' hicusing on the 
South, is pertineni to rounding out the stud\' ot the cixil rights movement. 

Wyominii territory had been carved out ol the Dakotas diuliii: Reconstruc- 
tion.^ In the altermath ol the Civil War, politicians struggled to bridge the sec- 
tional and racial dix'icies in the coimtn'. Three Reconstruction amendments re- 
stdted h'om theii" etlorts. (.^entered on disctission ol racial justice, the amend- 
ments hiiled to accomplish what was seemingh' promised. Although the Thir- 
teenth Amendment ended slaver\', African Americans had little access to institu- 
tions that would help them become economicalK' and socialh' "equal" to their 

' Geuerdl Laws. Memorials, and Resolutions of the First LegisLltive Assei/ihly of the Territory of\X'yoi)tiiig, 
1869 (Cheyenne, 1870), p. 228. Clupter 7, section 24 reads: "Where there are fifteen or more 
colored children within jnv school district, tlie hoatd ot directors thereof, with the ,ippro\.il of 
counn- superintendent ot schools, ni.iy ptoxide a separate school tot the instruction of such colored 
children. AlthoUL;h the word "perniissixe" is often uncferstood as granting treedoms, in this paper 
the work represents the right ot school districts to permit segregation. 

■ "Simpson Signs Bill Repealing Segregation," Wyoming State Trihinic. Februan- 7, l')SS. 

' Milward Sinipsoii to Charles C. Oiggs, Jr., October 18, 19S7, box 161, folder S, Milward L. 
Simpson Papers, American Heritage Center, University- oFWvoniing. Hereaftet cned as Simpson 
Papers. Diggs was a congressman trom Michigan. 

^ "Wyoming Will Line Up," box 2 Id, hilder 10, Simpson Papers. This is the title to a newspaper 
clipping sent to Covernor Simpson on March 30, l')^S, bv H.H. "Shelly" Schellenberg. Simpson's 
Alpha Tao Omega brother and businessman. In his kindh letter to Simpson, Schellenberg stated: 
"Thought \m\ might be interested in knowing \'ou made the editorial page in the Deep South." 
Terrence O. Fromong, "The Development ot Public Flementar\' and Secondary F^lucation in 
Wyoming: 186''-1917" (Ph.D. dissertation. L'niversitv of Wvoming, l')62), p. 19. C')ii luK- 2S, 
1868, President Andrew- Johnson signed a bill creating the Territor\' ot Wxoming. The territorv 
was inaugurated on April 15. 1869. 

i 4 Annais of Wyoming: The VVvominq Hislop/ Journal -- Winter 2Q05 

Milward Simpson, 
when he served as 
Wyoming s governor, 
spoke against the 
state s school segre- 
gation law. Courtesy 
Milward L, Simpson 
Papers, American 
Heritage Center, Uni- 
versity of Wyoming. 

white counrerparts. Bv definition, the black popula- 
tion was free, but hardly equal. In reality, many re- 
mained slaves to poverty, sharecropping, and "Black 

The Fourteenth Amendment nidliPieei Black 
Codes and promised equal protection in matters hav- 
ing to do with "lite, libert}', and property," but the 
courts interpreted the amendment narrowly, banning 
certain forms of discrimination by the states, but not 
by individual or "private" institutions. And, in 1 896, 
the Supreme Courts Plessy v. Ferguson ruling upheld 
the constitutionality of "separate but equal" state fa- 
cilities. Justice Henry B. Brown, over the scathing 
dissent of Justice John Marshall Harlan, delivered the 
opinion that separate accommodations tor the races 
did not necessarily violate the equal protection clause 
of the Fourteenth Amendment. Consequently, 
"separate but equal" became the standard in the South. 
Although the accommodations were indeed separate, 
they remained "equal" in name only. 

The Fifteenth Amendment, the last of the Re- 
construction amendments, prohibited the use of" race 
as a criterion for the franchise. However, literacv tests, 
poll taxes, and vigilante groups often enstued that the 
underrcpresented minority would not have a chance 

'■ Between 1865 and 1867, the former Confederate states en- 
acted Blaci< Codes, or laws, wfiicti souglit to greatly limit 
the rights and movements of blacf;s. During this time, blacks 
were in a precarious situation because they had been freed 
by the Thirteenth Amendment, but had not vet been given 
citizenship — which would come with the Fourteenth Amend- 
ment. Prior to the Fourteenth Amendment, southern states 
created a separate set of laws for the treed, non-citizen popu- 
lation. Michael L. hevme, Afiicaii AjnerictDis and Civil Rights: 
From 1619 to the Present (Phoenix: Oryx Press, 1996), p. 

' Plessy V. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896). Hadan contributed 
a sharp rebulce to the majority opinion. Although a Ken- 
tuclcy racist, Flarlan disagreed with the judgment of the 
majority, declaring that "in the eye of the law, there is in 
this country no superior ciominant, or ruling class of citi- 
zens. There is no caste here. Our Constitution is color- 
blind and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens 
... aft citizens are equal before the law." Flarlan's unortho- 
dox opinion was well before its time and anticipated that 
problems would follow the majority's decision. Harlan 
claimed that Plessy was as "pernicious as the decision made 
b)' this tribunal [the Supreme Court] in the Dred Scott case." 
Fie asserted that the government should not allow race and 
hate to permeate the law. In contrast. Justice Brown main- 
tained that it not the role of the constitution to put 
inferior and superior persons on the same playing field. In 
the Plessy case, the northern-dominated Supreme Court coun- 
tenanced racial segregation, therefore solidify'ing Jim Crow 
laws in the South. For more than fifty years the "separate 
but equal doctrine would be used to keep the v.vo races 
separate in all things from education to public .accommoda- 
tions. Transportation, schools, and accommodations would 
remain "separate but equal" until Brown v. Board of Educa- 
tion in 1954. 

to cast their ballots.** A study of the Reconstruction 
Era suggests that widespread racial discrimination pei- 
sisted; the failure to achieve racial equalit}' would later 
result in the cix'il rights mo\'ement oi the l'-)'^()s and 
196()s. It was in the turbulent time ot Reconstruc- 
tion that Wyoming Territory was created; thtis, there 
should be little surprise that Wvomingites would 
wrestle with the same discussions over racial justice 
and equaht\' that plagued the rest oi the country.'' 

It is not completeK' coincidental that Wx'oming 
became a territor\- the same \'ear the Iranscontinen- 
tal Railroacl was completed. The so-called "iron horse" 
had a paramount impact on America in that it con- 
nected the coLmtr\', thus making another sectional 
war tmlikely. It opened national, m addnion to lo- 
cal, markets, and helped to spur the creation ot new 
territories and states such as Wyoming. The influx 
of population to the Wyoming area, largely due to 
the L'nion Pacific Railroad, led to the passage of the 
Organic Act on |id\' 2S, 1868, which created 
Wyoming's territorial government.'" W\'oming's 
first territorial legislative assembly was not overK' con- 
cerned with creating innovative new laws. The\' were 
more concerned wnh borrowing and adaptmg — not 
originalit\'. ' ' IncidentalK', W\'oming legislantrs 
adopted much of [Dakota lerritoty's legislation, as 
was shown when the territorial legislature released 
the general laws for Wyoming.'- 

Although Wyoming's first legislators — predomi- 
nanth' Democratic — appeared content to follow other 
states and territories, the new territon' did make head- 
way in one area. The population in the East, espe- 
cialh' the female population, looked west when the 
rustic territory of Wyoming adopted a measiue that 
guaranteed women the right to \'ote and hold of- 
fice.' ' A few politicians claimed that since the fran- 
chise had recently been given to the black pt>pula- 
tion, the right to vote should natutallv be granted to 
women as well." The majority of Wyomingites and 
politicians, however, used the woman's suffrage 
amendment as a public relations plo\' — a wa\' to bring 
people to the territor\' in hopes of getting a popula- 
tion large enough to apply for statehood." In addi- 
tion to a law grantina; women the right to \'ote, 
Wyoming's territorial legislature adopted other mea- 

stires sympathetic to women. The territory's laws al- 
lowed married women to own properrv separately 
from their husbands, as well as to work jobs while 

The Supreme Court did nor appear to support the Recon- 
strutrion amendments. In addition to the P/fiiy ruling creat- 
mg "separate hut equal" .iCLomnmdations, i\S. v. Rffif (\ 87 6} 
stated that the eonstitution did not guarantee the right to 
\ote, that is, stipulations eould he put on the right to \'ote. In 
the same year the high eourt ruled in L'.S. v. (yiiikilhi)ik that 
the government no right to inter\ene in private discrimi- 
nation; in essence, states cannot disctiininate, hut individual 
petsons can. \'igilante groups, like the Ku Klux Klan, were 
organized between 1866 and 1868. Fhev terrorized "scala- 
wags' and bl.icks who did not "know their pLice. Le\ine, 
Afiiciin Ami'yi I'll lis iinrl Civil Riglm, p. 103. 
During the late nineteenth centurw blacks were a "small bur 
vital parr of rhe westward movement. Like their White coun- 
terparts. Blacks on the frontier were trappers and traders, sol- 
diers, cowboys, miners, farmers, and entrepreneurs. After the 
Civil War, many Blacks left the South seeking a better life aw.iv 
from the jim Crow society that existed there. Most went north, 
and onlv a comparative few turned west.' Because the West 
ne\er had a large population of blacks, their earh roles, contri- 
butions, and ttibuiations have largelv been overlooked. Roger 
D. Hardawav. "William Jefferson Hardin: ^X'\■oming's I')''" 
Century Black Legislator," Aiiiuils of Wyoiiiuia 63 (XX'inter 
I'-l'-ll ): 3. Despite popular misconceptions, "racial hatred was 
deepK' embedded in the hearts of Northern as well as South- 
ern whites, and the road to full citizenship for blacks would be 
a difficult one evervwhere. Levine, Afiicivi Ainencdiis and 
Civil Rights, pp. ^)2-')}. 

'" The Organic Act, "an act to provide a temporary government 
for the territorv of Wyoming," can be found in the Geiifnil 
Liuts, Mniiiiriiils. diiii Rcsiiliitinin of the Ttrntniy of Wyoiiiiiig. 
pp. 18-24. 

" Fromong, "The Dex'elopmeiit ot 1 duc.ition in Wvoming," p. 

'' George lustin Bale, " Fhe Histon of I)c\elopment of lerrito- 
rial Public Education in the State of \X\oming, 186')-18'H)" 
(M.A. thesis. Universit)- of Colotado, Boulder, 1938), p. 16. 

''Lewis L. Gould. Wyoi/uiig: A Politicil Histmy. 1 868- IS 96 {New 
H.i\'en and London: Yale L'niversity Press, l'-)6S), pp. 26-2". 
"Wvoming's fust legislature . . . would ha\e won scant atten- 
tion it it had not passed a woman suffrage act. " 

'' Gould maintains that three factots led to the passing of a 
woman suffrage bill: suffrage would publicize the territon; it 
would prompt women to back the Democratic Part\'; and it 
would embarrass the Republican Part\' who granted suffr.tge 
to bkicks, but thought it absurd to give the franchise to women. 
l/)id. .According to l..\. Larson, William H. Bright introduced 
the woman suffrage bill because "he thought that women like 
his wife and mother had as much right to suffrage as the black 
men who had recently received the franchise." T.A. Larson, 
Wyoniiii^: A Bicentennial History (New 'I'ork: W.W. Norton & 
Companv, 1977), p. 77. 

'" According to Larson, "without the public telations angle, 
Wyomings first legislatute almost certainh would not have 
approved the suffr.ige bill. Iln/l.. pp. "6-80. 

1 6 'i.niipJs 0' VVvomina: The Wvominq Hlsior\' Journa! -- Winter 2005 

retaining control of" their income. Furthermore, the 
legislature passed a stiptilation that "in the employ- 
ment of" teachers, no discrimination shall be made in 
the question of pay on account of pay [sex] when the 
persons are equally qualified."'" W^'oming's sympa- 
thetic women's rights laws put the terriror\' ahead oi 
most states, at least in writing. When W\'oming he- 
came a state in 1890, "Equal Rights" emerged on the 
state seal. Later, Wyoming would be given the offi- 
cial nickname "The Equalit}' State" for its forward 
thinking suffrage laws. ' Although the laws appeared 
to be a step in the right ciirection, not all W\'oming 
citizens attained equality. Sexual tiiscrimination was 
rampant on job sites, women teachers rarely were 
paid the same as male teachers, and racial and reli- 
gious minorities were denied the equality of which 
the state so loudK' boasted.''' Although the territo- 
rial laws provided, basic equalit\' for women, other 
early statutes pamted an entirely different picture for 

While most of the literature on the American civil 
rights movement appropriately focuses on the South, 
it would be a mistake to conclude that racism did not 
exist in other regions of the country. Some under- 
standing of non-southern discrimination helps round 
out the historical picture of race relations in the United 
States. Wyoming, the overwhelmingly white "Equal- 
it}' State," is a case in point. From the inception of 
the Wyoming Territory, its peoples have grappled with 
a variers' of racially based questions, from the per- 
missive school segregation law to complaints of un- 
equal access to public accommodations. In addition, 
Wyomingites participated in discriminatory Ivnch- 
ings and denied the right of marriage to peoples of 
different ethnicities. Wyoming's racially spurred stat- 
utes and activities appear to be in line with racial 
thinking across the nation. 

Wyoming's School Segregation Law 

Within a generation after the C'ivil War, segrega- 
tion had been established in the South. After the 
Supreme Court's ruling in Plessy, laws and ordinances 
throughout the South segregated the white and black 
populations in almost every imaginable way, from 
schools to water fountains. In contrast to the South's 

de jure segregation, the northerners often established 
de facto segregation, which kept blacks and whites 
from mingling on a large scale by a matter of oppor- 
tunity, not law.^" Although Wyoming appeared to 
be a front-runner in terms of women's rights, the 
territor)' seemed disposed to follow other regions in 
terms of racial relations in the educational system. 

The first known school in what is today Wyo- 
ming was in Fort Laramie, and was run by Reverend 
Richard Vaux in 1852. This school was followed by 
one erected at Fort Bridger by Judge William A. 
Carter, Jr., for the benefit of his children and others 
nearb}'. E\'entuall\' these pri\'ate schools gave way to 
parochial and public schools. However, the private, 
church-run schools did little to solve the education 
problem, since many children in W\'oming country 
received no education of any kind."^' An editorial in 
the Cheytnine Daily Leader, dated October 19, 1867, 
suggested that public sentiment favored the creation 
of a school. A "Cheyenner " opined, "I believe 1 speak 

"■ General Liiius, Memorials, and Resolutioiu of the Territory of Wyo- 
ming p. 234. This is quoted exactly as the statute appears on 
the books. 

' Larson, Wyoming, p. 102. 

'* In 1973. Wyoming approved the Equal Rights Amendment 
which, at minimum, targeted sex discrimination in employ- 
ment opportunities. Ibid., pp. 104-105; T.A. Larson, Hiitoiy 
of Wyoming, second edition (Lincoln: Universirs' of Nebraska 
Press, 1990), p. 610. 

'■' "Most of the pioneers had a ver)- limited perception ot equal- 
ir\'. It meant little more to them than the right to vote; thus 
they unwittingly erected a false front when thev boasted about 
their equality. " Larson, Wyoming, p. 104. 

-" Levine, African Americans and Civil Rights, p. 107. In the 
North, school integration proved controversial. Many states, 
such as Indiana (1874), ruled that school segregation was ac- 
ceptable. However, other northern cities, such as Chicago, 
Boston, Cleveland, and Milwaukee had technically integrated 
schools. Students h,id to attend schools near their homes and 
since blacLs and whites did not tend to share neighborhoods, 
rheir children did not share schools. Although states like Iowa 
declared that segregated schools were against the Fourteenth 
Amendment, there was a significant difference between out- 
lawing segregation and promoting integration. 
"' Bale, "The History of Territorial Education in Wyoming," pp. 
3, 10-13- Two parochial schools opened in Wyoming Terri- 
tor.'. The W)'oming Institute, which closed in 1871, was a 
Baptist school headed by Reverend D. J. Pierce. St. Mary's 
Catholic school opened in Laramie during the 1870s, gained 
in popularity in the early 1880s and moved to Cheyenne in 
1885. St. Mary's is still open. Ibid. 

Annais cf'.'.'voming- The 'A'yo^ipq Hisiory Jouma ■■ 'Airi! 

iter 2j'.i 

the sentiments of three htiirths of the citizens of Chey- 
enne when I sa\' let us lia\'e a school." The anonv- 
nioLis author contciuletl that the school shouki he 
huidcd h\- suhscription. Shorth' aher this editorial 
appeared, a schoolhouse opened in C'heyenne." 

At the prompting oi Governor |ohn A. Campbell, 
Wyoming's territorial legislators took education into 
consideration in 18(1*^).^' In his addiess to the first 
legislative assemhh', C^amphell encouraged the law- 
makers to consider education. 1 he gcnernor called 
education "the cornerstone" without which "no du- 
rable political hibric can be erected." Campbell ar- 
gtied that prosperit\- meant little if moral and 
intellectural growth did not keep pace, fiuthermore, 
the territorial governor presimied that educated 
people would become strong defenders of republi- 
can institutions. At the end of his address, C^ampbell 
called for a scheme to enhance fi'ce education in the 
\'oung territory- ' Legislators responded with pro\'i- 
sions which regulated and maintained education in 
Wyoming Territory.-" W\'oming followed the pat- 
tern of the Dakota lerritorv in the creation of edu- 
cation. Htmexer, in Dakota, schools were "equalh' 
free to all white children . . ," Dakota lerritorx' did 
not provide for separate common schools for non- 
whites. Wyoming Territor\', however, created a sys- 
tem to permit separate schools for "colored children" 
when fifteen of more such \otuigsters resided within 
a given school district.'" 

The original edtication laws of W\'omini; Terri- 
tory remained on the books until 1873. At that 
time the status of schools acrain received the atten- 
tion of lawmakers, who revised the education laws. 
Among the new proposals were demands for unifor- 
mity of textbooks, a change in the school t.ix levy, 
and a statute making schot)l attendance compulsory." 

" Ibid., p. 6. 

-' On April 3. 1<S6^). President Ulysses Grant appointed John 
Allen Campbell as the first governor ot the territory ot W\o- 
ming. Campbell was a Republiean from Ohio who had served 
in the I'nion arm\' dining the C'ivil VC'ar. Grant sent Campbell 
to Wyoming in order to make it a Republican territory. Unfor- 
tunately for Campbell, he "had to live with a Democratic del- 
egate to Congress and an anti-Negro and seemingly anti-rail- 
road legislature." These tacts caused Grant to think that the 
territor)' should have been dissolved. ObviousK, this did not 
happen and Campbell ser\-ed as governor until 18"^ when his 

John A, Campbell served as the first governor of Wyo- 
ming Terntory, A Republican, he signed the bill granting 
suffrage to women and strongly believed in the impor- 
tance of education. Courtesy Amencan Heritage Center. 
University of Wyoming. 

tetm expired and John i\4. Tha\er replaced him. Mane H. 
pTwin, W'yoiniiig Historiail Blue Book: A Legal and Political Hn- 
tory of Wyoming 1868-1943 (Denver: Bradford-Robinson 
Printing Co., I'l^d), p. 16(i; Gould, Wyoming, pp. 23-27. 

■■' Governor lohn A. C'ampbell, "Governor's Address to the First 
Legislative Assembly." October 12, 18t/), Home Joimial of the 
Legislative Assembly of the lerritory of Wyoming, 1870, p. 14. 

'^ Bale, "The Historv' ot Territorial Education in Wyoming," p. 

-" Ibid., pp. 39, 61, 64. Bale stated; "The basis ot the school 
kiws ot Wyoming goes back to the Dakota Territot)' Statutes 
ot 1862." Wyoming Territory, until 1873, charged the same 
school le\\' tax as Dakota Territory. Thus, schools were run on 
public tunds rather than h\ private donations. Peter Kooi 
Simpson, "History ot the First Wyoming Legislature" (M.A. 
thesis. University of Wyoming, 1962), p. 143. 

18 A nnais oflVvominq: The Wyoming History Journal -- Winter 2005 

Although Wyoming's territorial legislators revised sev- 
eral sections oi the school statutes, the permissive 
school segregation law remained unchanged. 

Wyoming held territorial status until 1890. Af- 
ter a constitutional convention, the territory applied 
f"or and recei\'ed statehood.-'" Wyoming's state con- 
stitution drew on provisions h'om the constitutions 
oi the Dakotas, Idaho, Montana, Washington, and 
Colorado.-" Wyoming's Constitutional Convention 
delegates may have followed other states because "a 
people long used to self-government is [are] not in- 
clined to be radical. On the contrary, it will persis- 
tentl\- maintain ideas and institutions which an ob- 
jective obser\'er might deem obsolete. When changes 
must be made, they come very gradually rather than 
in re\'olution or sweeping reformation. "'" Thus, 
W\-oming's constittuion was, tor the most part, in 
line with other states, the major exception being 
women's suffrage. "' When the constitution oi Wyo- 
ming was adopted in 1889, it firmly established 
Wyoming's educational laws. The constitution "re- 
taiiicd almost to the letter many school laws that had 
been tested and impro\ed dining the years that Wyo- 

Charles Burgess, "The Goddess, the School Book, and Com- 
pulsion," Harvard EiJucatioii Review Ab (May 1976): 201. The 
push tor compulsory, rather than voluntary, school attendance 
began in Massachusetts in 18'i2. Bj- 1918, all states then in 
the Union had compulsory school attendance laws. Many 
believed, especially after the Civil War, that .school and educa- 
tion were central to national reunion and loyalry. Although 
the common school movement was in place before the Civil 
War, the push for compulsory laws developed on a larger scale 
after the conflict. Following the Civil War, with industrializa- 
rion, massive immigration, and the presence of freed slaves, 
compulsory laws to "Americanize" the population became 
popular. It was the Civil War that would prompt leaders to 
encourage mandatory school artendance in order to promore 
nationalism, unification, and standardization. This sentiment 
could be seen in Governor Campbell's address to the first ter- 
ritorial legislators. Educared people, he maintained, would 
be strong defenders ot tree institutions. Fromong, "The De- 
velopment of Education in Wyoming," p. 86. Several territo- 
ries, including Wyoming, demanded that school attendance 
be compulsory. However, school artendance remained poor 
in the territory because the law was difficult to enforce. Al- 
though school enrollment doubled, the average daily atten- 
dance did not rise, which suggesrs that students enrolled for 
school in order to minimally comply with the law, but did 
not actually attend school on a regular basis. Bale, "The His- 
tory of Terrirorial Education in Wyoming," pp. 63-64, 160. 
Prior to 1873 there was no uniformity in the selection of text- 

books. After 1873, the textbook selection was left up to the 
teacher's insrirutes which resulted in more uniform book 
choices. Later in 1888, the textbook selection would be given 
to county and city superintendents, and this responsibility 
would be permanently granted by the state's constitution. Ibid.; 
Wyoming Constitution, 1889, Article 'VII. Section 11. 

-* No western territory was admitted into the Union between 
1876 and 1889. Larson, Hntory of Wyoming, p. 236. Wyo- 
ming called a constitutional convention prior to applying for 
statehood. Forty-nine members attended Wyoming's Consti- 
tutional Convention. Among them were thirty-two Republi- 
cans and seventeen Democrats. Forty-one were Americans by 
birth, thirty-four were from the North, four were former South- 
erners, three were "wesrerners," and seven members were for- 
eign born. Fourteen of the members were Civil War veterans; 
thirteen fought tor the Union and one for the Confederacy. 
Richard Kenneth Prien, "The Background ot the Wyoming 
Constitution" (M.A. thesis. University of Wyoming, 1956), 
pp. 1, 16. "The origins ot the convention members corre- 
spond rather closely to the origins of die territory's population 
as a whole." New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Illinois were 
the main states that supplied Wyoming with its 1890 popula- 
tion. 'Only 4 percent ot Wyoming's 1890 population had 
been born in the South; only 94 were Confederate veterans, as 
compared with 1,171 Union veterans." hiKon, History ofWyo- 
ming, pp. 243-44. 

-' Prien, "The Background ot the Wyoming Constitution," pp. 
41, 48, 51, 78. Prien contends that Wyoming's constitution 
mirrors that ot surrounding states. He lists as examples: sec- 
tion 2 ot Wyoming's constitution states that the right to life 
and liberry are inherent and all members of the human race 
are equal. This statement is similar to clauses in Idaho's, 
Montana's, and North and South Dakota's constitutions. Sec- 
tion 18 of the state's constitution deals with religious free- 
doms and is exactly the same as North Dakota's clause. Al- 
though Wyoming drew from the constitutions of surrounding 
states, the new state did have unique statutes. For example, 
other states had suttrage clauses, but Wyoming was the first 
state to make inclusive stipulations on the subject. Further- 
more, section li ot the Wyoming constitution, which guaran- 
tees "the right ot citizens to opportunities for education has no 
parallel in the surrounding states. Finally, section 3, which 
states that laws affecting political rights without distinction of 
race, color, and sex is not matched by the surrounding states. 

^» Ibid., pp. 7, 31. On September 29, 1889, the Cheyenne Daily 
Sun editorialized, "the constitution that has been prepared for 
Wyoming is quite similar to other states constitutions, differ- 
ing very little from those which have recently been adopted in 
the four new [Omnibus] states .... The convention has fol- 
lowed well established precedents.' 

-" In addition to social issues, Wyoming's constitution was inno- 
vative in terms ot its water laws. Harold Ickes, Secretary of the 
Interior, commented that Wyoming's constitution "discarded 
the riparian theory ot water ownership and adopted a system 
under which the state retained all water rights. . . . Revolu- 
tionan,' in the field ot water law at that time. . . ." Robert B. 
Keiter and Tim Newcomb, The Wyoming State Constitution: A 
Reference Guide (Westport, Connecticut, and London: Green- 
wood Press, 1993), pp. 5-10. 

ming had been a ten'it(.)r\-."'' Altliiuii;li the constitu- 
tion added an anti-chseiiniinarion stattite whieh [ii'o- 
hibited discrimination on account of race or color in 
public schools, the permissive school segregation law 
remaineti intact from the territorial period.'' 

Not until the time ol Cjovernor Milward Simpson 
did Wyoming legislators repeal tiie permissive school 
seirrecration statute. In his l'^)SS message to the thirtv- 
third session ol the legislature, the state's chiel execu- 
tive called the lawmakers to strengthen the constitu- 
tional guarantees to equality, libert)', and justice." 
Pointing to two constitutional provisions that clearl)' 
h'ownecl on discrimination, Simpson called h)r the 
repeal of the school segregation law. '^ 

Nationall)', the L'nited States Supreme Court had 
recently delivered a ruling concerning the segrega- 
tion of students in sclwol on the basis of color. In 
the May 17, l')S4, Brown v. Board of FAiicatiou rul- 
ing, the high court concluded that public school seg- 
regation was discrimination and, therefore, contrary 
to the Fotirtcenth Amendment's guarantee to equal 
protecti(Mi. ' Incensed b\' the decision, many south- 
ern states refused to follow the court's orders to de- 
segregate schools.' In contrast, nt)n-southern states 
quickly accepted the high court's decision and made 
plans to integrate their public schools. The shifting 
nature of the constitution, as seen in the Brown deci- 
sion, had national implications. Northern and west- 
ern states gradualK' banished Jim Crow, leaving the 
South isolated. 

At the time, four states in the West had permis- 
sive school segregation laws. The states were Kansas, 
New Mexico, Arizona, and Wvominti. Other than 
Wyoming, each of the states had actualb' imple- 
mented some school segregation. '"^ New Mexico was 
one of the first non-southern states to comply with 
the high court's decision. Originally, ten New Mexico 
commimities had segregated schools. Bv the time of 
Browti, six of the original communities still practiced 
segregation. Following the Supreme CAUUt ruling. 
New Mexico took actions to integrate the schools in 
those six communities.'' Just prior to the Brow// 
decision, Arizona Judge Charles C. Bernstein declared 
Arizona's permissive segregation statute tmconstitu- 
tional. The Arizona law stated that ". . . the\- [the 

'^ B.ilc, "The History of Education in Wyominsy," p. 66. 
Ffoiiiont;, "The Development ot HJuL.uion in Wyoming,' p. 
5. Fromong states that "the mniing ot statehooti attu.ilK had 
vet\ httle effect tipon ccitication ,is a whole \n \V\(ininig. " 

■' ll")'('"""^i; (jjiiilitiiliiiii, ISS*-), Afticle VII, .Section II). The 
statute reads: "In none ot the public schools so established 
and maintained shall distinction or discrimination he made 
on accoimt ot sex, race, or color. See t.rwin, W'yoimug Histnri- 
idl Hluf Book, p. 61 2; and Bale, ' The Historv ot Fclucation in 
Wyoming. " p. 'i^). 

" "Ciovernor Simpson Addresses State Legislature, ' Fhc (uit-ni- 
5CV (''<'-'<'"''. January It, l'''i^. 

" Section 1, Article 1 ot the Wyoming State Constitution reads: 
"In their inherent right to lite, liberty and the pursuit ot hap- 
piness, all members ot the human race are ecjual. Section .i. 
Article 1 reads: "Since the equality in the enjo\'ment ot natu- 
ral and civil rights is only made sure through political equal- 
it\', the laws ot this state attecting the political rights and privi- 
leges ot Its citi/ens shall be without distinction ot race, color, 
or any circumstance or condition whatsoever, other than indi- 
vidual incompetency, or unworthiness duly ascertained h\ a 
court of competent jurisdiction. Ciovernor Simpson used these 
two provisions to encourage the legislature to repeal Article 
bl-i. Chapter h^, Wyoming Compiled Statutes, lo^S, the 
permissive school segregation law, on the ground that the stat- 
ute "tlies in the tace ot otu constitution." Milward Simpson, 
"Message HeliverecH lo the I hirt\- Third Session ot the W\d- 
ming Legislature: f^)^^. 

"' Brown v. Bn.irilof'Eiliicitioii. 3-4~ U.S. -483 (I'lTt). "Lhis case 
was based on the question ot whether public school segrega- 
tion denied bl.ick children ec| protection under the laws. 
Black schools were financially and structurally interior to white 
schools. Lherehire, the "separate but equal" ruling trom Pli'Siy 
had been abused because schools were indeed separate, but 
were not equal, lames 1. Patterson, Brown v. Bo,in/ of Ivhiui- 
tioii: A i'lril R/rf/its A hloitoiie ami Its TroubU'd I cgai-y ( New ^brk: 
Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 2S. 

' A press release trom the NAAC'P stated: "An NA.ACP stirvey 
on the southern school situation, compiled the last week ot 
August, shows that in 11 ot the 1~ states which previously 
entorced school segregation bv law, at least one local school 
board has t.iken positive action to comply with the non-segre- 
gation rule. ... In only six states has there been lack ot indi- 
cation by an\' communit}' ot intent to comph with the Courts 
anti-segregation rule. These are Alabama, Florida, Georgia, 
Louisiana, Missi.ssippi, and South Carolina." "For Releases to 
a.m. Papers," Sunday, September 4, U)'iS, Container 621, 
Series A. tiroup II, National Association tot the Advancement 
of Colored People Papers, I ibrar\' ot C'ongress Manuscript Di- 
vision, Washington, D.C. Hereatter cited as NAACT' Papers. 

" "For Releases to a.m. Papers, " NAACP Papers. 

'" Lhidated, unidentified internal NAjACP memo on desegrega- 
tion 111 New Mexico, NAACP Papers. I he article reads: "De- 
spite threats that parents would forbid their children to regis- 
ter tor school here until desegregation was 'outlawed by the 
board,' more students have registered tor the opening ot this 
term than has ever registered before." Although some com- 
munit)- members protested integrating New Mexico's schools. 
It apparently had no effect on school registration. 

20 Annals of Wvomino: The VVvomina History Journal -- Winter 2005 

Board oi Triisrces] mav segregate groups ot pupils " 
bur Bernstein struck do\\n that delegation of power. 
Bernstein concluded that "segregation intensifies 
rather than eases racial tension. Instead oi encourag- 
ing racial cooperation, it fosters mutual fear and sus- 
picion which is the basis of racial violence." The 
Broii'i! decision solidified Arizona's ruling and the 
state initiated a program of school desegregation in 
May 19^4.^" 

Unlike Arizona and New Mexico, no communi- 
ties in W)'oming ever actually exercised the state's 
permissive school segregation statute.*' I'here are 
several reasons why the statue may not have been 
used. First, the black population in Wyoming has 
always been minimal, so most districts probably did 
not meet the "fifteen or more colored children" 
benchmark. '"' Ftirthermore, operating segregated 
schools would be costly, and school boards may sim- 
pK' not have wanted the economic stress of running 
separate facilities. 

But \\'h\' wotdd Wyoming have kept the law on 
the books for nearlv ninety years when there was 
never a serious effort to invoke it? One argtmient is 
that W\'omingites simpK' "forgot " about the law. But 
to state that the statute had been put into law and 
then "forgotten" would be a stretch because, as re- 
cently as 1945, the law had been updated. It appears 
that lawmakers knew the law was on the books. There- 
fore, "forgetfulness" does not explain the long life of 
Wyoming's permissive school segregation law. Even- 
tually, under some pressure, Wyoming's lawmakers 

' The case under Judge Bernstein's consideration involved seg- 
regated facilities in Arizona's Wilson School District. The 
school district had Jim Crow facilities based on a permissive 
segregation statute (Section 54-416, as amended 1852 (1951) 
Chapter 138, Paragraph 1). Until 1951, Arizona had man- 
datory segregation in elementar)' schools and optional segre- 
gation in high schools. The legislature made segregation dis- 
cretionary in all grades in 1951. Bernstein stated: "It is the 
office of the school environment to balance the various ele- 
ments in the social environment and to see to it that each 
individual gets an opportunity ro escape from the limitations 
of the social group in which he was born and to come into 
living contact with a broader environment." Bernstein de- 
cided his case on May 5, 1954, nvelve days before the Su- 
preme Court handed down its unanimous Brown decision. 
Bernstein based his decision, in part, on the February 1953 
ruling by the Maricopa County Court which outlawed segre- 

gation in Phoeni.\ area schools. 'Arizona Court Holds Seg- 
regation Per Se Unlawful in School Case — Permissive De- 
Segregation Law Struck Down By Judge Bernstein," May 
17, 1954, internal NAACP memo, NAACP Papers. Also in 
this folder, "Arizona Applauds Ban on School Bias," Neiv 
York Times, February 15, 1953. 

Although there is no proof that the permissive school segre- 
gation statute had been invoked, one group of citizens in 
Chevenne in March 1885 demanded separate schools tor 
black and white children. At the time there were roughly 
fitr\' black children in the school district. Both the white 
and black communities seem to have opposed the idea of 
ses;regated schools. The Laramie Counr\' School Board lis- 
tened to the petition with little enthusiasm, relegating it to 
the garbage. William Robert Dubois, III, "A Social History 
of Cheyenne, Wyoming, 1875-1885" (M.A. thesis. Univer- 
sity of Wyoming, 1963), pp. 52-53. It has been contended 
that Torrington established a separate school for Mexican 
children in 1928 or 1929. Indeed, a school was created, 
but its creation had little to do with racial segregation. The 
Holly Sugar Company hired Mexican laborers ro work in 
the beet fields. Often, especially after the crash of 1929, 
children, both Mexican and white, labored beside their par- 
ents or watched )'ounger siblings so both parents could work 
in the fields. As a result, these children were unable to start 
school until November after completion of the beet harvest. 
Torrington's school district noticed that the children were 
behind and approached Juanita Patton about schooling the 
children. After building a two-room school house, children 
laborers, both Mexican and white, attended the school until 
thev were prepared to attend the mainstream schools. The 
white children tended to catch up faster because they had 
the distinct benefit ot speaking English. Mexican children 
staved at the school, Columbia School, until they could speak 
and understand English and were caught up on the mate- 
rial. Aftenvards, thev joined the regular schools. Although 
the school suffered accusations that it was racially segregated, 
school attendees felt that the school enabled and encour- 
aged them to learn despite the language barrien Shelley 
Fetsco, "Culturally Different Taught at Columbia School," 
Toniiigton Telegram, Januan,' 19, 1983. Martha Patton Shoe- 
maker, daughter of [uanita Patton, emphatically insists that 
there was "nothing racist about this school at all." She con- 
tends that "this was not a race thing," but instead, the dis- 
trict opened the school so all children, even those who had 
to work, would have an opportunit)' to learn. Columbia 
School remained open for nearly twenty years. Interview 
with Martha Patton Shoemaker, March 22, 2004, Torrington, 
Wyoming. Further evidence, such as class photographs, 
clearly show that Mexican children attended school with 
white children. Interview with Delores Kaufman, March 
21, 2004, Torrington, Wyoming. 
' "Wyoming is a state with a very small minority population. 
The African American population is less than one percent. 
Native Americans constitute another nvo percent while the 
Hispanic population is six percent." Gregg Cawley, Michael 
Horan, Larry Hubbell, James King, David Marcum, Maggi 
Murdock, and Oliver Walter, The Equality State: Government 
and Politics in Wyoming, third edition (Dubuque, Iowa: Eddie 
Bowers Publishing, Inc. 1996), p. 2. 

Annals o' 'A'voniino The Wvon-iinc Histcrv Journal -- W'"tp'- I'fir^ 

rcju'alcd the segregated school law. C^n hehruar\' 5, 
1^)^S, nearly a year aher the Brown iiiliiig, tiover- 
not Simpson affixed his signatme and appixnal to 
the act which nullified the separate school statute." 


Historically lawmakers adopted anti-miscece- 
nation laws in order to draw a color line between 
blacks and whites, thus enforcing a racial hierar- 
ch\'. in an effcnt to protect White Anglo-Saxon 
Protestants from the degeneracy that allegedly ac- 
companied miscegenation, colonies and states, be- 
ginning with Maryland in jSSl, forbade the prac- 
tice of racial intermarriage. At some tune dtuing 
U.S. histor\', thirty-eight states adopted anti-mis- 
cegenation laws. Although most citizens correctly 
identify the South as the region which was the first 
to adopt and last to abandon anti-misccgenation 
laws, "it was in the West, not the South, that the 
laws became most elaborate."*^ 

Anti-miscegenation laws in the West did not just 
prohibit marriage between white and blacks. Instead, 
western laws forbade intermarriage ber\veen white anci 
Chinese, Mongolians, lapanese, Hinclus, Natives 
Americans, etc. for example, W\'i)ming's anti-misce- 
genation statute declared that Caucasians could not 
"knowingh' intermarry with a person of one-eighth, 
or more negro, asiatic [sic] or Mongolian [sic] blood" 
without penalties following a felon\' conviction.'^ 
Adopted on December 7, 186^), W\'oming's statute 
became law oxer the veto of Ciovernor Campbell.'" 
In addition to the governor's veto, other W\'oming- 
ites protested the anti-miscegenation statute. Owe 
Wyomingite t^pposed to the statute luged legislators 
to, "let the laws of our growing lerritor\' make no 
discrimination in classes anci races of men."' Re- 
gardless of the opposition, territorial law makers 
adopted the measure and the statute remained on the 
books Luitil 1882. At that time, the territorial assem- 
bly, encoiu'agecl by Wyoming's fist black legislator, 
William Jefferson hlardin, repealed the statute.'"' 

"•' "lb the Honorable President and Members of the Senate of- the 
Thim'-Third Legislature," Februar\' 7, l'-)5'>. Box 217, Folder 
S. Simpson Papers. The Enrolled Act No. 15, Senate, oricri- 
nally Senate file No. 19, read: "An Act to repeal Section 67- 
634, Wyoming Compiled Statutes, 1945, providing for sepa- 

rate schools for colored children." On the other hand, until 
1970 Wyoming had a citizen legislature that only met every 
two Ncars ajid rarcK- nought to do a \\ liolevale siatutc revision. 
So. one could contend tliat apath\' kept the law on the books 
tor ninet\' years. 

' Rachel Moran, Interracial Int'miacy: The Regulation of Race and 
Romance (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 
2(101), pp. 1~-19, r. According to the NAACP, the followmg 
western states had laws barring miscegenation: Arizona. Cali- 
tornia, Colorado, South Dakota, North Dakota, Idaho, Mon- 
tana, Nebraska, Nevada, Oregon, L'tah, and Wyoming. NAACP 
to 1 allah Rogers, Ma\' 12,1 927, Container 309, Series C Group 
II, NAAt P Papers. Most ot these states repealed their anti- 
miscegenation statutes in the 19SOs. However, L'tah, Arizona, 
and Wyoming kept their laws until the 1960s. 
Roger Hardaway, "Prohibiting Interracial Marriage: Miscege- 
nation 1 aws in \V\oming. " .4«;w/jfl/l\'')w/«';^53 (Spring 1980): 
5(i-S7. Ill |ii5 endnotes, Hardaway explains that the term "Mon- 
golian was used to describe an ethnic group in the broadest 
sense. Mongolian, he states, refers to "all yellow-skinned people 
rather than just natives of Mongolia." See endnote 6, p. 59. 

' Wyoming's first territorial governor returned the anti-misces;e- 
nation bill to the legislature because it did not prohibit Indians 
from marPi'ing other ethnic groups; thus, the law singled out 
certain ethnic groups. Hardawav uses the census to show why 
Indians were not mentioned in the statute. He states: "by pro- 
hibiting Negroes and (.Chinese from marrying whites, competi- 
tion among Wyoming men for the tew available white women 
was reduced. A surplus ot Inclian women existed, so the law- 
did not prohibit Indian-white marriages." Ibid., p. 5(i. hur- 
thermore, there has been a long standing tradition ot whites 
marrying Indians, which n-iade it difficult to prohibit future 
marri.iges between the two ethnic groups. Early fur traders in 
the Wyoming area had a tradition of marrying Native American 
won-ien. According to Larson, the women "sened as interpret- 
ers and peacemakets, kept their husbands intormcd of tribal 
affairs and promoted trade. Larson, Wyoninig, pp. 52, 54^S5. 
Hardawa\'. "Prohibiting Marriage," p. 56. 

' Willian-i Jettersoi-i Hardii-i had beei-i elected to the W\'oming 
territorial legislature in a time and place where there a white 
majority who discriminated against the black minorirv-. Hardin 
was one-fourth black, and mam assumed that he was able to 
succeecl in white society because he lacked pronounced "Ne- 
groid characteristics and was, theiefore, more acceptable to the 
white-dominated population. Hardin ser\'ed in the territorial 
legislature from 1879 to 1884. During his tenure he supported 
bills and statutes concerning bounties for hawks and eagles, 
public peace, and intermarriage. In 1882, Wyoming's first anti- 
miscegenation law- was repealed. Hardin strongly supported 
this action, especially since he w:is married to a white woman. 
Interestingly, there is no evidence that Hardin ever questioned 
the permissive school segregation law. Hardaway states that 
fLirdin's "tenure in the Wyoming legislature is principally sig- 
nificant . . . because it occurred when and where it did — in an 
area with few Blacks and in an era when Blacks were generally 
not allowed to participate in political decision-making." The 
Cheyenne Daily Leader callecf the first election of Hardin a "moral 
triumph for the people" and questioned "what other territory 

(ivutimu'dpage 22) 

22 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming HistorY Journal - Winter 2005 

However, Wvomingites adopted another miscegena- 
tion law in 1913, during the height of a progressive 
movement to enforce white supremacy and maintain 
puritA' of the races. Legislators repealed the law in 
1965. Even then the repeal had more to do with the 
law being unconstitutional than being morally repug- 
nant.''' What Wyoming's anti-miscegenation law 
seems to suggest is a hierarchy ol races rather than 
racial equality. The flirtation of the state with misce- 
genation laws tended to undermine Wyoming's claim 
to "equality." 

Racial Lynching in Wyoming 

In addition to the school segregation statute and 
the anti-miscegenation law, the "Equality State" had 
other discrepancies in terms of" race relations. While 
the prevalence ol violence in Wyoming and the West 
has probably been overstated, Wyoming did in fact 
experience a considerable number of lynchings.^" In 
his book on Wyoming history, T.A. Larson concluded 
that "legal executions failed to keep pace with extra- 
legal ones . . . ."^' In fact, Wyoming "out-lynched" 
all of the other western states. According to NAACP 


fy ??J/////M// 

The NAACP compiled the numbers of lynchings in the United States over a thirty-year pehod. In the West, 
Wyoming stands out with 34. Courtesy the NAACP. 

{continued fiwn page 21) 

or Northern state can boast such liberality." Hardaway, "Wil- 
liam Jefferson Hardin," pp. 2-13. According to Todd Guenther, 
the anti-miscegenation law was repealed in 1882 because of a 
fear that the law would slow the population growth. Todd R. 
Guenther, "At Home on the Range: Black Settlement in Rural 
Wyoming, 1850-1950" (M.A. thesis. University of Wyoming, 
1988), p. 12. 
■" Hardaway, "Prohibiting Interracial Marriage," pp. 57-58. In 
1967, the United States Supreme Court ruled that states could 
not deny couples the right to be married solely on their race. 
Loving y. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967). It appears that Wyo- 
mingites knew about the impending Supreme Court ruling 
and changed their state anti-miscegenation law prior to the 
court's decision. Ibid. 

^° Roy Nash, "Memorandum For Mr. Philip G. Pcabody on 

Lynch-Law and the Practicability of a Successful Attack 
Thereon," n.d., Container 371, Series C, Group 1, NAACP 
Papers, pp. 13-14. Roy Nash, Boston's secretary for the 
NAACP, explored the changing definition of "lynching." 
Originally lynching meant getting thirty-nine stripes. The 
term was then broadened to include tarring and feathering, 
burning, and cruein'. Before the Civil War, "lynching" meant 
the "infliction of any minor punishment without legal trial." 
Aftet Reconsttuction the term implied death. Webster's Dic- 
tionary defines the word "lynch" as: "(of a mob) to take the 
law into its own hands and kill (someone) in punishment 
for a real or presumed crime." The New Webster's Dictionary 
and Thesaunis (Danbury, Connecticur: Lexicon Publications, 
Inc., 1995), p. 593. 
■■' Larson, History ofWyoming, p. 231. 



; MiC, 



records, horn 1 889 to 1918 W\oming h-nchcd thirr\'- 
toLir people. The states closest western competitors 
were Calilornia with t\vent\-six K'lichings and Kan- 
sas and Montana, each with t\venty-two lynchings/^ 
A related study shows that between 1909 and 1918 
only three people were Ivnched in W\'oming, \\ hich 
suggests that thirt\'-one ol the state's known Ivnch- 
ings occinred between 1889 and 1909. A smprrsing 
survey done by the NAACP shows that between 1 889 
and 1918, Wyoming ranked fifteenth of forty-tour 
states in tlie number ol lynchings, preceeded only by 
southern states.^' 

Although the majority ot people l\'nched in Wyo- 
ming were white, a stuprising percentage ol those 
killed were considered "colored." Nationalh', 3,224 
people were lynched bet\veen 1889 and 1918. Oi 
those Ivnciied dtiring that time, 2,S22, or 78.2 per- 
cent, were black, in the Moimtain West, dtu'ing 
that same time period, 1 10 people were Ivnched. C^l 
this number, nine, or 8.2 percent, were "Negroes. " 
For Wyoming this nimiber is quite similar. Ol the 
people lynched h-om 1889 to 1918 in the flquality 
State, 14.7 percent were considered "colored."^* This 
large percentage is disttirbing becatise blacks did not 
make up fourteen percent ol Wyomings poptilation. 
From 1870 to 19S0, African Americans have never 
been more than 1 .S percent of Wyoming's total popu- 
lation.^'' Ihe percentage ol blacks in the Motmtain 
West was minisctile as well. While more whites were 
lynched in the state, a much larger percentage of 
blacks were lynched on a per capita basis. ^" Wyo- 
ming appears to have racially Ivnched more than other 
non-southern states, but nationalK- the state was hir 
from being the most notorious in terms ol Kiich- 

Clearly blacks were not legallv equal to whites in 
Wyoming because thev tound little protection from 
the law and were o-enerailv deemed guiltv unless 
proven innocent. For example, in 1904 a mob took 
Joe Martin, accused of assaulting a white woman, 
from a jail in Laramie and lynched him from a lamp- 
post at Seventh and Grand. In 1917, a black man 
was taken from the Rock Springs jail and lynched. 
The city's mayor declared that the crime, aliegedl}' 
assaulting a white woman, justified the Knching, due 

process or not. That blacks were disproportionateh' 
h'nched without dtie process and that racist laws, such 
as the school segregation and anti-miscegenation stat- 
tites, remained on the books for so long, stiggests 
that Wyoming shared the white stipremacy philoso- 
phies of Americans elsewhere. ^^ Although Wvoming 
lastieei behind southern states in terms of K'nchins,, 
the "Elqiialitv State" certainly witnessed a relatively 
large ntimber of raciallv tinged vigilante killinsis dur- 
ing its first four decades. 

bitftilK", .\n anti-lvnching movement tiegan to 
take shape in the earl\' twentieth centtiry. Members 
of the Kti Klux Klan and related organizations liad 

^- "Thirty Yeas of Lyncliing, n.d., Container 371, Series C, 
Group 1 , NAACP Papers. The NAACP's findings were tol- 
lected into a published volume titled Thirt)' Yean of Lynching 
111 the United States: 1889-1918 (New York: Arno Press and 
the New York Times, UXi')). 

"' "Persons lynched 188')-1918 bv State," n.d.. Container 371, 
Series C, Group 1, NAACP Papers. I his intormation comes 
hom a vertical bar chart. Fhc chart hsts the states with the 
most to the fewest hangings. Cieorgia was inmiber one with 
386 hangings, Wvoming was fihccnth with 3-t hangings. Mis- 
sissippi, Texas, Louisiana, Alabama, lenncssec, Florida, Ken- 
tucky, South Carohna, Oklahoma, Missouri, Virginia, and 
North Carolina precede W\ommg. All other states have fewer 
Ivnchings than Wyoming. 

^■' "Number ol Persons Ivnched by Geographical Divisions and 
States, 1889-1918," n.d., C'ontainer 3^1, Series C. Group 1, 
NAACP Papers. 

^^ Guenther, "Black Settlement m Rural ^"yoming," p. 18. 

^" "List ol Persons Lynched in 1917 by States," and 'List of 
Persons Lynched in 1918 by States," NAACP Papers. These 
two lists announce the lynchings ol two black men in Wyo- 
ming. On December 14, 1917, a black man named Wade 
Hampton was lynched in Rock Springs. Hampton was 
lynched because he had been "annoying whites." On Decem- 
ber 10, 1918, Edward Wood.son was Ivnched in Cireen River 
alter allegedly killing a railroad switchman. Press al- 
ter Woodson's lynching tell ol all other blacks in Green River 
being lorcetuUy removed from the town. The NAACP sent 
Governor Frank L. Houx a letter demanding that Wyoming 
"take immediate steps to protect the lives and property' of the 
colored citizens ol Green River and to see that the lynchers ol 
Edward Woodson are brought to justice." NAACP to Frank 
Houx. December 14, l^is"^, NAACP Papers. In Judy 1889, 
Ella Watson had been lynched in Wyoming. The lynching of 
Watson was unprecedented in the area because she was fe- 
male. Larsc^n, Wyoming, p. 12'1. 

^ In the South, 85 percent of lynched victims were black. "Num- 
ber ol Persons Lynched by Geographical Divisions and States, 
1889-UM8," n.d.. Container 37" I, Series C, Group 1, NAACP 

^"^ Guenther, "Black Settlement, pp. lU-lI. 

24 Annais of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal - Winter 2005 

rallied around lynchings in an effort to secure white 
supremacy over the freedmen."'' As early as 1901, 
however, horrified opponents proposed an anti-K'nch- 
ins bill in Congress. Lvnchino;s continued after the 
defeat of the proposal."" In 1918, Leonidas Dyer of 
Missouri introduced the Dyer Anti-Lynching bill, but 
a filibuster defeated the initiative. After the bills de- 
feat, the federal drive to ban lynching remained stag- 
nant until the 1930s.''' 

By the 1930s, however, the NAACP and certain 
crusading journalists made the anti-lynching cam- 
paign into something of a national cause." In addi- 
tion, an element of resistance and protest arose in 
the music culture, especially with the 1939 release of 
"Strange Fruit" bv Billie Holiday. The song, written 
by a school teacher named Abel Meeropol, was a re- 
sponse to photos of the lynchings ol southern black 
men Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith.'" The com- 
bination of journalism, activism, and indirect pro- 
test caused many to rethink their ambivalent atti- 
tudes toward lynch laws. 

In response to the growing number ol people 
opposed to lynching, Senator Robert Wagner, a New 
York Democrat, and Edward Costigan, a Democrat 
from Colorado, proposed an anti-lynching law.'"" The 
Costigan-Wagner bill would have made police au- 
thorities responsible for not protecting prisoners from 
lynch mobs, thus addressing the central problem with 

" Mississippi Senator James K. Vardaman stated that "every 
black in the state would be lynched it that was what was 
necessary to maintain white supremacy." Donald Grant, The 
Anti-Lynching Movement: 1883-1932 (Saratoga, California: 
R and E Research Associates, 1975), pp. 1, 49. 

'■" In 1896, North Carolina elected a former slave. Republican 
George Henry White, to Congress. Born in 1852, White 
graduated from Howard University in 1877. A member of 
the North Carolina Bar, he had served two years in the state 
legislature. White was the last former slave to serve in Con- 
gress. In 1901, he proposed the first federal bill to outlaw 
lynching, which he referred to as a terror tactic. Far ahead of 
its time, the White bill was easily rejected. White did not 
serve a third term because of the disfranchisement of North 
Carolinian blacks. Grant, The Anti-Lyncliing Movement, pp. 
30, 65-67. Although White was the first to introduce an 
anti-lynching bill, Thomas E. Miller, a black from South Caro- 
lina, was the first congressman to speak out against lynching. 

'■' Leonidas Dyer of Missouri introduced his proposal during 
the early 1920s, which passed the House only to fall victim 

to a Senate filibuster. J. Joseph Huthmacher, Senator Robert 
E Wagner and the Rise of Urba)i Liberalism (New York: 
Antheneum, 1968), p. 171. 
''- Ida Wells, born into slavery and freed after the Civil War, 
became parr owner in a Memphis newspaper called Free 
Speech. Wells investigated and reported on lynchings and 
other atrocities committed against blacks. "To make lynch- 
ings a federal crime had long been the attempt of the Na- 
tional Association for the Advancement of Colored People — 
it was, in fact, the progenitor of the entire Negro civil rights 
movement of the twentieth century." Ibid., p. 171. For 
more information on Wells, see Ida B. Wells, Crusade for 
Justice: The Autobiography of Ida B. Wells (Chicago and Lon- 
don: The University of Chicago Press, 1970). Also see Grant, 
The Anti-Lynching Movement, pp. 28-30, 32-33, 144-45. 

" "Strange Fruit" caused controversy, and often violence, when- 
ever it was played. Regardless of this fact, Billie Holiday 
included the tune in each of her shows. Lyrics of the song 
read," Southern trees bear a strange fruit/Blood on the leaves 
and blood on the root/Black body swinging in the South- 
ern breeze/strange fruit hanging from the poplar trees/Pas- 
toral scene of the gallant south/The bulging eyes and the 
nvisted mouth/Scent of magnolias, sweet and fresh/Then 
the sudden smell of burning flesh/Here is the fruit for the 
crows to pluck/For the rain to gather, for the wind to suck/ 
For the sun to rot, for the trees to drop/Here is a strange 
and bitter crop." Abel Meeropol, a Jewish member of the 
Communist Parry who raised the sons of Julius and Ethel 
Rosenberg after their execution in 1953, had originally com- 
posed "Strange Fruit" as a poem. Meeropol is also known 
bv his pen name Lewis Allen. For more information, or to 
hear the song, see 

■'"' Robert Wagner had been born in Germany, but immigrated 
to the United States with his family in 1886. Wagner was 
educated in the public school system and the City College 
of New York. An active Democrat, he became a member of 
the New York legislature and served on the New York Su- 
preme Court prior to his election to the Senate in 1926. A 
"New Dealer," Wagner, sponsored the National Labor Re- 
lations Act of 1935. In early January 1934, Wagner, to- 
gether with Edward Costigan, proposed an anti-lynching 
bill. In testifying for the proposal, Wagner stated: ". . . 
[T]he time which try men's souls' often quicken their sense 
of justice and their aspiration for betterment." Some cynics 
claim that Wagner only supported anti-lynching legislation 
to gain the black vote. In fact, Wagner had suffered dis- 
crimination based on his Jewish faith. In addition, Wagner 
had been a keynote speaker for the NAACP in 1931 and 
introduced a bill in the Senate which would have benefited 
blacks. Costigan was from Colorado. He switched parties 
several times, beginning in the Republican Party, switching 
to the Progressive Party in 1912, and finally joining the 
Democratic Party during the late 1920s. Costigan, who 
was considered a "radical" Democrat, announced that he 
would introduce an anti-lynching bill in December 1933. 
Wagner quickly pledged to support such a bill, later be- 
coming a co-sponsor. }:\\i\.h.mdichex. Senator Robert F.Wagi7er, 
pp. 13-14, 18, 43-50, 117, 127, 171-74. 

Annais of Wyoming The Wyoming Hislor\' Journa! -- 'iVinter 2005 25 

lynching: the inabiHty to bring lynchers and partici- 
pants to justice. Bv making law ent-orcement oth- 
cials responsible hir Knchecl \ictnns, the h\\\ assumed 
prisoners would be better protected and the police 
would accuse those who attempted to harm the per- 
son in custody, rather than shrugging ol"i: the inci- 
dent. The Costigan-Wagner bill at first seemed prom- 
ising, bin died in CAingress.""' Although CAingress 
never enacted the bill, it is significant becairse it 
helped bring national attention to lynching. For the 
most part, lynchings waned in the 1940s, although a 
f"ew continued even aher Congress passed the Civil 
Rights Act ot 19(n, making it a federal crime to den\' 
one his oi' her ci\il lights b\ taking their lives."'' 

While \V\'oming does not stand alone in the his- 
tory oi Ivnchinc,, individuals in the state certainly 
participated in the heinous crime. Clearly in the ter- 
ritorial and early days ot statehood, Wyominsi dabbled 
in discriminator\' practices. From l\nchine,s to per- 
missixe school setire^ation laws, the state was hardh' 
fi'ee ol" racial discrimination. Fhis pattern oi discrimi- 
nation continued within the state throughout the civil 
rights movement oi the 195()s and ]96()s. 

Public Accommodations 

For much ot the state's historw whites denied 
Wyoming blacks access to certain public accommo- 
dations. A motel in Laramie refused to service blacks, 
as did cafes and theaters in Cheyenne. Furthermore, 
blacks were ofien discriminated against in areas oi 
emplo\'ment and liousing throughout the West.'' To 
avoid national embarrassment and end discrimina- 
tion in W\'oming, one oi the last western states with- 
out a public accommodations law. Governor 
Simpson recommended such a statute in 1 9SS. Much 
to his disappointment, the bill failed."" 

In response to combating segregation in the public 
sphere, Wyoming branches of the NAACP tried to 
circumvent problems by creating their own accom- 
modations. In Casper, the local branch of the NAACP 
applied for a limited liqtior license. Natrona Cotmty 
black leaders hoped to expand local NAACP mem- 
bership by merging regular meetings with opportu- 
nities to socialize. The branch sought to do this be- 
cause the community had nothing to offer its people 

''^ Ele.inor Roosevelt proved to be an influential ally to the anti- 
lynching movement. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt never 
endorsed the hill because he leared losing the southern \(ite or 
cit ollending southern congressmen. " 1 he President con- 
demned lynching m his State ot the L'nion address and ui 
other public prcinouncements; yet when it came to the ques- 
tion ot throwing his weight behind the Costigan-Wagner bill, 
he held b.ick. ' /In//., p. 1^3; "Blunders ot the Recently Ad- 
journed 73"'." T/h- Rcfhrror. juh' 21, l')34. "Most Negroes 
however are more deepK' concerned with the most briual ot 
hhinders, the failure ot that body to consider the Costigan- 
Wagner Anti-lynching Bill." An electronic version ot this pri- 
mary source is avail.ible online at http:// 
i e 1 1 e r s o n . \' i 1 1 a g e . \' i r g i n i a . c d u / \' c d h / a t a m / r e 1 1 e c t o i7 
~.2 1 .34.go\t.iund. 

'■''The Michael Pon.dd case ot I ^'tS 1 is a good example oi a post 
Civil Rights Act lynching. In Mobile, Alabama, a black man 
was Freed atter a mixed-race jun,' tailed to convict him for the 
mtnder ot a white police m.m. KKK members in the area 
were turious and concluded that "it a black man can get .iwa\' 
with killing a white man, we ought to be able to get away 
with killing a black man." James Knowles and Henr\ Ha\'s 
attempted to prove this statement. Vhey kidnapped and 
Kiiched nineteen \ear old Michael Donald, akhough he had 
nothing to do with the trial or the death ot the white police 
officer the KKK was a\'enging. Donald s death was tirst deter- 
mined to be related to a drug crime, but Reverend Jesse Jack- 
son and later the FBI uncovered tiic plan ot Knowles and Hays. 
Knowles confessed to the Ivnching and received lite in prison. 
Havs was found gtiilt\' and was executed tor his crime on June 
6, l')97. Donald s mother sued the KKK ami won se\en mil- 
lion dollars from the organization. Information and a photo- 
graph of the Ivnched Donald can be found at 
http://ww\v.spartac us. school net. LIS.-\donaldD.htm. 

" "At mid-decade, several western states still had statutes per- 
mitting segregated schools, forbidding interracial marriages, 
and tolerating unequal access to public accommodations. Kim 
Ibach and William Howard Moore, "The Emerging Civil 
Rights Movement: The l')S7 Public Acconimod.itions Stat- 
ute as a Case Stud\-," Aiiihils of Wyoming 73 (Winter 2001): 1, 
"S; Milward Simpson to Diggs, October 30, 19S7, Box 161, 
Folder 'i, Simpson Papers; Guenrher, "Bl.rck Settlement,' pp. 

"'^ House Bill 86. the Public Accommodations bill ot 19St, which 
would have ensured "equal treatment in places ot public ac- 
commodation for all our citizens regardless ot race, color, creed, 
national origin, or ancestr\-," was killed bv a filibuster. Box 
217, Folder 1. Simpson Papers. 

26 Annals of VVvominq: The Wyoming Histoid' Journal - Winter 2Q05 

of color but "movies, churches, and work."^''' The 
central headquarters of the NAACP disagreed with 
the creation of the social club and pointed out that 
"the answer to securing admission ot Negroes to the- 
atres, hotels and other places ot public accommoda- 
tions does not lie in the creation ol separate social 
and recreational facilities.""" Clearly disturbed by 
Natrona Count\''s request, the N7\ACP revoked 
Casper's charter. Whatever the merits ot the dispute, 
it is evident that the social situation hit blacks in 
Wvoming was precarious. Only a law supporting 
equal access to public accommodations would allevi- 
ate the social pressure caused by segregation. 

In 1957, Governor Simpson again pressed the 
issue of public accommodations in Wyoming. 
Simpson reminded the new thiru'-fourth legislature 
that most southern states denied At'tican Americans 
equal access to public accommodations. In the new 
post-Brown environment, Simpson's speech, liken- 
ing Wvoming to the southern states, prompted legis- 
lators to recognize the negative consequences ot fur- 
ther inaction. In an ellort to avoid appearing "be- 
hind the times, " the Wyoming legislature finally 
passed Simpson's public accommodations statute in 



University of Wyoming students protested Coachi Lloyd Eaton s dismissal of the four- 
teen black players from the football team. The sign in the photograph stated The black 
ball players have fought for you, fight for them now. Courtesy Black 14 Collection, Ameri- 
can Hehtage Center, University of Wyoming. 

Margo Hill to Rov Wilkins, September 6, 1955, Container 
246, Series C, Group 2, NAACP Papers. Wilkins was the 
executive secretary of the NAACP. Hill was the president of 
the Natrona Count)' Branch of the NAACP. In the letter 
Hill explained the social circumstance for the bl.ick resi- 
dents ot Casper. She stated: "we would have nothing to 
offer, no place to dine, dance, or have A [sic] cocktail. That 
includes the Negro tourists. Bands [sic] and entertainers 
that pass thru [sic] Casper. The Horace Heidt show was 
thru here in June. There were no accommodations at the 
hotels for the Negros [sic]. " Daniel Rogers, Jr., attorney for 
the Casper branch of the NAACP, sent a letter to the na- 
tional branch. In it he states, "there is no place in Casper or 
this area where colored people can go and call their own. . . 
." Daniel Rogers to Roy Wilkins, September 7, 1955, Con- 
tainer 246, Series C, Group 2, NAACP Papers. 

'" Gloster B. Current to Margo Hill, September 15, 1955, 
Container 245, Series C, Group 2, NAACP Papers. Cur- 
rent, NAACP director of branches, announced the reasons 
for the revocation of the Casper branch's charter. 

"' Ibach and Moore, "The Emerging Civil Rights Movement," 
p. 9. In 1957, only 21 states did not have a public accom- 
modations statute. Of those states, 15 were in the South. 
Thus, it appeared that the "Equality State" was lagging be- 
hind others in terms of ensuring racial justice. Ironically, 
Simpson, who encouraged Wyoming legislators to enact the 
public accommodations statute, later opposed the 1964 fed- 
eral Civil Rights Act because he teared the growing power of 
the central government. Of course, the 1 964 federal statute 
largely superceded the 1957 state law. Ibach and Moore 
documented one 1958 instance in which enforcement of the 
Wyoming law was problematic. Ibid., pp. 10-12. 

Annals of VVvomlncr The'A'".''ominq H'.s'or; Journal - Winter 2CC5 


H\cn with the repeal ot the school segregation 
and anti-miscegenation statutes and the enactment 
oi a public accommociations law, \X'\-oming was, and 
is, occasionalh' trotibled b\' racial tensions. C^ne well- 
known example ol" continuing racial strain di\'idec] 
W\'oming commtmities in the hdl of 1*^)6'^). Four- 
teen black Uni\'ersit\' ot Wx'oming football pla\'ers 
approached head coach Llcnxl Eaton to ask permis- 
sion to silenth' protest during an upcoming game. ' 
During the meeting, the fourteen players donned 
black armbands, which the\' wanted to wear during 
the game against ri\al Brigham Young L^nixersitw 
Coach Eaton, known for his strict disciplinar\' phi- 
losophies, refused to let his team members protest in 
anyway. ' When the Black l4 persisted, Eaton dis- 
missed the players from the C]owbo\' team. Fhe Black 
14 incident inflamed the campus and promptecl an 
emers:enc\' meetins; of the trustees at the tmi\ersirv. 
hi the end, the school supported Eaton's decision and 
the young men remained off the team. ' This un- 
fortunate occurrence split the Wyoming population. " 
Many fans stipported Eaton's tiecision hv cheering 
for the coach ancl wearing armbands that read 
"Eaton. " Cither commimitx- members and citizens 
in other states protested the dismissal of the \'oung 
men and carried signs which questioned whether 
Wyoming blacks had not been "LA-nched Again?"' 
In the end. Bishop David R. Fhttrnberrv of the Wyo- 
ming F^piiscopal Diocese obser\ed that this incident 
served as a national reminder that "the people in 
Wyoming have as far to go as any people in eliminat- 
ing their racial prejudice." "^ 

Although W\'oming was a forerunner in laws for 
women's rights, the "E'qualitv State " was hardh" a pio- 
neer in terms of racial relations, hideed, Wyoming 
seems to have lagged a bit behind other non-south- 
ern states in terms of its treatment of African Ameri- 
can citizens. The territory and state certainK' experi- 
enced more than its share of Knching, including the 
lynchings of African Americans. The "Equalirv' State " 
repealed its long-time permissive school segregation 
law only after the 1 954 Brown decision rendered such 
statutes both obsolete and an embarrassment. Wvo- 
mintr legislators enacted its public accommodations 

law in 19S7, after most other northern and western 
states had adopted similar statutes. And even this law 
appears to have been enforced only haphazardlw Fhe 
state o\erturned its anti-miscegenation law onh' in 
fG'S, just as the ci\il rights mo\ement began to fo- 
cus on the North and West. A state so far removed 
from the South and with a minute black population 
had no ob\ious need for a school segregation law or 
other statutes which artiflcialK* separated the races. 
However, W\'oming was created at a time when Re- 
construction and race occupied a central place in na- 
tional discussions and when the countr}' was drifting 
toward rt'c jmr segregation in the South and the ^e 
fiUTo segregation in the North. Allowing, rather than 
enforcing, segregation was the middle of the road, 
and W\'omino;, wantin" to be neither too rustic nor 
too futuristic, was content to follow that path, jijii 

" Clittord A. Bullock, "Fired h\ Conscience: The Bl.ick l4 
Incident dt the L'niversit\' of WVoming and BLick Protest 
in the Western Athletic Conference, " Phil Roberts, ed., 
Ri adingi m Wyoming Hiswiy: Issues m the Hiswiy of the E(piiihr}i 
State (Laramie: Skyline West Press, 2004), p. 188. Lloyd 
Eaton had led the L'W toothall team to three WAC cham- 
pionships and was named the '"WAC" Coach of the Year in 
14(ifa and U'(i7. Some commentators thought Eaton was 
more popular than the governor. Ibid., pp. 187-8'); Larson, 
Histoiy ofWyoiuhig. pp. SO.S-'-^'i. 

' Larson, Wyoming, pp. 10^-06. The U\X' plavers wanted to 
wear the armbands to protest the Church of Jesus Christ of 
Latter-Day Saints' racialh' discriminator\- practices. Bul- 
lock, "Fired by Conscience, " p. 18'X 

' Larson, Historv of Wynuniig. p. !S''3. Bullock. "Fired h\' 
Conscience," p. 188. 

Eaton and UW President William Carlson held a press 
conference on October 23. I'ld'-X "Sports Illustrated re- 
ported that President Carlson admitted that at Wvoming, 
football was more important than civil rights." In .iddi- 
tion, the UW head track coach John Walker told black 
track members ". . . it vou think \'our civil or constitu- 
tional rights are more important to \ou than .\n education, 
then you should go home. " .All lour black rrack members 
lelt the universit\'. Bullock, "Fired b}" Conscience, pp. 
18-4, 18'). 

' Larson, W\oi)ii)ig, p. 106. 
Bullock. "Fired bv Conscience." pp. 18')-')0: Larson. His- 
toiy of Wyoming, p. ^^)^. 

"Larson, Wyomiiig.p. 106. Thornberry's defense ot rhc black 
athletes divided his church and caused trouble in his ad- 
ministration. I hid. 

2S Annais of Wyoming: The Wyoming Histoa- Journal --Winter 2005 

Ernest Hemingw^ay 

in the Sunlight Basin of Wyoming 


The cabin at the L — T Ranch where the Hemingways stayed during their visits to Wyoming's Sunlight Basin. Courtesy the author. 

It all began in the year 1909 when the Frederick Kent Copeland family and the 
William Pratt Sidley family decided to join forces on an adventurous horseback 
packtrip into the wild and little known, high Rocky Mountains of Wyoming, near 

and within Yellowstone Park, Neighbors back in Winnetka, lllinois, this fn-st excursion group con- 
sisted of Fred A. Copekmd, his wife Anna Boyd Copekind, their daughter Margaret, "Polly," Copeland, freshly 
graduated from Bryn Mawr, and their son Frederick Winsor Copeland, a freshman-to-be at Harvard. William 
Pratt Sidlev and his wife thought better of taking along their onlv child, William Dupee Sidley at the tender age 
often. ' 

' The manuscript is based on letters, telephone calls, and personal inten-iews the author had with Jack Hemingway, ['oily Copeland, and 
Olive Nordquist. All of the materials are located in the Eugene V. Moran Papers, American Heritage Center, Universit)' ofWyoming. 
See also Robert Hoskins, "Paradise Lost," Wyoming Wildlife (January 1997): 6-13; "Hemingways Wyoming," Casper Star Tribune, 
October 19, 1970, part 3; Carlos Baker, Ernest Hemingway: A Life Story (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1969), pp. 21 1-18, 230- 
33, 5A\-Al\ and Carlos Baker, editor, Ernest Hemingway Selected Letters 1917-1961 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1981), pp. 
328-29. 345, 452-53, 489-90 

ais of '/'.'vomino: The ''.'.''von^.'na H:s;orv Jour'ia. 

liKst getting to the starting ptiint of their ad\'en- 
tm'e was a chore. It took two full da\'s out of Chicago 
on the old North CA)ast Limited to get to one of the 
isohited moimtain tops in W\'onnng. From there the 
group was driven as far as possible by stage into the 
mountain wilderness, where the outfitter awaited them 
with horses to continue u[i into the iinex[ilored wil- 
derness. Undatmted b\ tmcertain eiicumstances, the 
little group's spirits hardeneel under the leadership of 
Freci Cxipeland and Bill Sidley who became known 
as "iron men" back home in Winnetka. 

Such exctu'sions reqtiired a moimtain ginde, a 
wrangler, a camp cook, and a chore bo\' in the part\'. 
Twenty or more pack horses were needed to carry 
food, water, anci equipment over the rugged terrain. 
There was a personal sure-footed horse for each of 
the campers, but no sleeping bags or air mattresses at 
tliat earl\- time. Sleeping on rt)ck\- soil in a liLUKlle of 
blankets wrapped in a tarpatdin, then slipping out of 
bed for a dip in the icv stream before sunrise was the 
order of the day. After a hardv breakfast in the steam- 
in" cook-tent, the trroun started on the da\''s ride, 

c c r 

usually six to eight hoiu's in the saddle along precipi- 
tous game trails before finding a camping ground 
for the night. The territory was often tmknown even 
to the guide. Fred Copeland had some knowledge of 
the Rock\- Moimtains ha\ing spent two \'ears as a 
sheepherder while recuperating from a breakdown 
in health following his graduation from M.I. I". L'n- 
der spartan example the group became invigorated, 
and they relished their primitive holidav. No one 
dared to complain of the cold, wet, himger, fear, or 

Diuing World War I, these annual packtrips did 
not take place. In 1920, however, Copeland and 
Sidley eagerly resumed their August sojourn into 
Wyoming. In preparation, dining the winters back 
in Illinois, they had spent man\' hobbv hours together 
reading meager topography maps, tr)'ing to decide 
which unknown route to explore next. In 1922, a 
young veteran, just returned from the United States 
Arm\' of C\cupation in Archangel, Russia, became 
the Copeland-Sidley guide and outfitter. His name 
was Lawrence Nordqiiist, a strikingK' handsome na- 
tive of the Clark's Fork region of Wvoming. 
Nordquist led this packtrip of 'dudes " with great con- 

fidence and sensiti\it\'. In Nordquist the\- had found 
their true leader at last. 1 ic was thirtv years old and 
about to be married to Olive Watt, who had worked 
with him on a small dude ranch on the South Fork 
owned by Pete Nordquist, Lawrence's brother. Olive 
and Lawrence, however, longed to strike out their 
own as ou I fitters. 

In August 1923, neai' the end of the anniKd 
packtrip, the group rode out of Crandall Basin into 
the valley of Clark's Fork just as the sun was setting 
over the Index and Pilot peaks, majestic mountains 
each rising SOOO feet abo\e the floor of the basin. 
Such a breathtakmg silhouette of beaut\! I'Ahilarated 
and inspired, each member exclaimed as one that this 
view easiK' surpassed all others in grandeur. Both get- 
ting on m \'ears, Fred Copeland and Will Sidlev de- 
cided then and there that the C'lark's Fork Valle\' un- 
der Pilot and Index would be the most satisf^'ing place 
to spend the annual August holidaws, far from the 
heat and humiditv of the Midwest. Lawrence 
Nordquist was asked to look around for likeK land 
nearb\" in the unparalleled Sunlight Basin. 

Nordquist found an old homesteader ranch for 
sale on the Cdarks kork, just a short drive north of 
CakI\'. It was beautiful coimtrw near the Yellowstone 
and boidering on the high mountain lakes, as \'et 
iindiseo\ered and unnamed. Nordquist wanted to 
biiv the properu, build ,i dude ranch, and run a small 
herd of cattle there. Later CAipeland and Sidle\' \'is- 
ited Nordquist's proposed site and immediateh- fell 
in love with the homestead. I he\' decided without 
hesitatiu" to assist financialK' b\- co-sienintr a note 
making the puichase possible. Nordquist named the 
ranch the L — I , using the first and last letters of his 
name. Within a few years the L — L Ranch became 
one of the choice, invitational dude ranches in the 
countr\'. Nordquist's gratitude was such that he 
prom[nl\- provided the Copelands and the Sidlevs 
with a few acres above the marshy field, which was 
unsuitable for cattle but where two comfortable cab- 
ins were constructed. Lhe families would have horses 
at their disposal and could take their meals at the 
ranch house with the \'isiting dudes. I he upshot was 
that the Copelands and the Sidleys never had to pay 
a cent on their promissory note because the 
Nordquists gradually brought the L — T Ranch to 

3Q Annals of VVyominq: The Wyoming Histor\' Journal -- Winter 2005 

fe3 •' 






BAR LAZV 0-A • * /'-T,*^!* ■ ^.^<>«.„^ 


• S RAW 'S 

,yy^^ i HUNTEB"S PEAK ^ 
^ B4 • 








Jelephant -,5^,,^^ FOU 


4 ABSAROKA rfu X U .R 1 M R' 

C p D Y 







SNYDER'S • A-2-2 •LAZY B-Afi F 


• triangle -x 

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The L — T Ranch was located on Clarks Fork, sixty miles northwest of Cody. Courtesy American Heritage Center, University of 

relative prosperity over the years. - 

It was in early 192') that the L — T had its first 
truly distinguished visitor. An old Model 1 Ford — 
"tin lizzy" as they were called in those days — with 
an axe and shovel slung along its side, joggled its way 
through the old ranch gate, the first automohile ever 
to travel the perilous horse trail along the roaring 
Clark's Fork. There at the wheel was Ernest 
Hemingway with his charming, black-haired wife, 
Pauline Pfeififer, and his seven year-old son Jack — 
straight from Paris where he had been living with his 
mother, Hadley Richardson, Hemingways first wife. 
Hemingways magnetic personality was felt right away, 
as he greeted the curious group of dudes awaiting his 
arrival. He was tall and slender, with dark hair and 

mustache, and beautiful laughing blue eyes. Appar- 
entlv, he too was pleased with the beaut)' of the sur- 
rounding country and the primitive qualin' of the L 
— T Ranch. It was not long before Ernest and 
Pauline in genuine friendliness were very much a part 
of the group. Fishing was Ernest's great sporting pas- 
sion, with hunting to come later in the fall. At times 
he would stay in his cabin all morning writing while 
the rest of the group rode for long hours in and over 
the mountains. Later all would gather for the main 
meal at the ranch house in front of the fire watching 

' A description of the L — T Ranch is included in a Chicago, 
Burlington & Quincy Railroad Company booklet, "Ranch 
Life in the Buffalo Bill Country," (Chicago: Wagner and 
Hansen, n.d.). 

Annals of Wvomir.Q, The Wvomina Hislory Joufnal ■- '.''v'.nter 200f 

the setting sun send its brilliant rays over the sur- 
rounding peaks. On occasion a splash ot ln)rrid "boot- 
leg" wine, brought up by packhorse from Ciandall, 
capped oH the meal. Being sixty miles hom the rail- 
road and dining Prohibition, imbibing liquor was 
not a usual habit. ' 

Ernest had an appeahng zest for lite in all ni all 
forms and telt a particular camaraderie with the ranch 
hands. He gave just as much eager attention to a tel- 
low-ducie's accoimt oi a deer or coyote feeding near 
the trail as he did to a fatal encoimter with a bear or 
moose. Often Ernest would join the children's base- 
ball game in the corral after dinner imtil darkness set 
in. On such occasions, it was not eas\' to lotik upon 
liini as a newly ordainecl, literary giant. 

One morning through poiuing rain , tlie whole 
L — T famih' rode several hcuirs on horseback ciown 
the valley to see a makeshift rodeo, where all the cow- 
hands showed their skills at different feats of reaping 
and riding. At times it was ct)mical. An awards cer- 
emony of sorts followed these antics. All were then 
treated to a botuiteous sizzling pig, roasting on the 
spit, as well as lots of gooci oici, home brew. As the 
afternoon boisterously wore on, Ernest said to Pauline, 
"Write this stuff down. 1 can use this language." 
Ernest's verve for the life aroimci him and his catho- 
lic breadth of tastes were always evident. 

In the summers between l'-)28 and l*-).^*^), the 
Hemingwav's came intermittently to the E — T 
Ranch often accompanied by friends such as fellow 
author John Dos Passes. They usually sta\ed late into 
the fall, tmtil the snow was almost too hitih for the 
"tin-lizzy's" retreat. One earl\' fall while himting a 
o;rizzly, Ernest smashed his knee atiainst a tree trunk 
as he caloped triiunphantly down the mountain after 
the kill. It was a deep woimd from which he devel- 
oped septicemia so serious that he almost died in a 
Cody hospital. His lifelong friend, Archibald 
MacLeish, the Pulizer Prize winning poet, traveled 
to Cody to bear him back to New York for treat- 
ment. Ernests comportment was not the same after 
that accident, but it never deterred him from the tre- 
mendous exertion that lay ahead in later life. ' 

One summer Pauline and Ernest asked the 
Copelands if they might stay in the empty Sidley 
cabin on the knoll next to the Copeland cabin, and 

awa\' from the main lanch. ' The Sidle\' famiK' had 
ptu'chased a large cattle producing ranch called the 
SiK'er Spur in soiuhern Wyt)ming near the town of 
Encampment. I he C'opelands were of course in- 
trigued that the now world famous author would be 
their neitilibor. Patdine and Ernest often broutrht their 
sons Patrick and Cregory to the ranch along with lack, 
Ernest's son from his marriage to Hadle\'. In the tra- 
dition of many American fathers Ernest had affec- 
tionate nicknames for his bo\'s — Jack he called 
"Biunby"; Patrick, "Mouse"; and Cregory, "Cigi." 
Often the Copelands and the Hemingways enjoN'ed 
leisurely breakfasts together. Almost m\.uiabl\' on 
those carefree mornings, Ernest would turn to Polly 
and teasingly ask, "C]ome on now and give us the 
latest on that Rhett Butler fellow, will ya?" in refer- 
ence of cotu'se to K4argaret Mitchells faniotrs hero of 
Cioih' with the W nuL 

During the Spanish Civil War in the late thirties, 
Hemingway spent time in Spain working as a corre- 
spondent." He kept a sotuce book which became 
invaluable in his later wiirk. It was a different E.rnest 
Hemingwa\' after hrs experience. He had filled out 
greatly in stature and appearance, had suffered much 
during the war, and no longer held that boyish coun- 
tenance. During the summer of his return to the Sun- 
light Basin, he spent most of his time in his cabin 
working on The Fifth (JihiiiiiL his ill-fated drama 
about the Spanish Civil War. Now and again, Pauline 
woulci pick some wild strawberries in the woods on a 
late afternoon, which she pureed and flavored with 
generous portions of gin, powdered sugar, and lemon, 
making a powerful refreshment that .ill were inx'ited 
io sip. Sitting on the cabin steps, looking up to the 
glorious sunset colors ratiiating over the Bear looth 
Mountains, Ernest would enthusiastically read aloud 

' Hcmingw.i)- wrote .ibour tlic C'l.irks Furk \'.iilc\- in Ernest 

Hemingway, "The Clark's Fork V,ille\-, Wyoming," \'ogiic's Firsr 

Reader, 1942, pp. 32-34. 
■* For a description ot another grizzly hunt, see Baker, Ernest 

Hetningii'iiy, pp. 293-94. 
^ Wilham White, editor, By-Line: Emeu Hemiiigiriiy: Selectee! 

Articles and Dispatches of Four Decades (New York: Charles 

Scribner's Sons, 1967), p. 298. 
" Baker, Ernest Hemingway, pp. 302-12, 318-30, 334-36. 

Annals of Wyoming' The Wvominp History Journal -- Winter 2005 

his latest scene from The Fifth Cohiuuu a drama that 
later not one critic seemed to care about. 

Then came the summer ot 1 '■).V), at which time 
Ernest, Pauline, and the boys were again staying in 
the Sidley cabin. Ernest had recently returned from 
another trip to Europe, gravely troubled by the tide 
of events there. Despite this inward contemplation, 
he remained as always, friendly and outgoing to ev- 
eryone at the L — T ranch. And he was productive. 
He wrote under a kerosene lamp, often late into the 
night. Several times that summer he would drive over 
the pass to Billings, Montana, to pick up the latest 
news. He and his cowboy cronies would drive back 
home raucously singing old cowboy songs in the wee 
hours of the morning. That summer Hemingway 
brought with him a small portable radio which he 
had carried all through the Spanish Civil W;ir. On 
the morning of September 1 , 1 939, as the Copelands 
walked over the field to the ranch house for break- 
fast, Ernest came running into the field frantically 
shouting: "The Germans have marched into Poland! 
I'hc Ciermans have marched into Poland!" 
Hemingway believed strongly that never would have 
happened if America had helped Spain. Ernest in- 
vited the Copelands back to his cabin to hear the 
raving and ranting oi Hitler in hu-off' Berlin. Later 
came Lord Chamberlains clipped statement about 
the "state ot war" from No. 1 Downing Street. Little 
did anvone realize the lono; vears of war to follow. 

For more intormarion about The Fifth Column, see Ibid., pp. 
321, 328-30, 337-38, 354, 463: and Ernest Hemingway, The 
Fifth Cobtmn and Four Stories of the Spanish Civil War (New 
York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1969), pp. 3-85. 
Baker, Ernest Hemingway, p. 210-1 1. "Wine of Wyoming" was 
published in Scribner's Magazine 88 (August 1930): 195-204. 

The Copeland hmiily never saw or heard directly 
from Hemingway after that summer of 1939. For 
them, his declining fame, his tumultuous later vears, 
his suicide in 1961, were almost impossible to recon- 
cile with the handsome, eager young sportsman they 
had first encountered at the old L — T Ranch in 
1928. The memories of those good warm summer 
davs and nights in the Sunlight Basin made any 
thoughts of Hemingways desperation improbable. 
And yet it was true; he was gone. 

The Red Lodge Highway, (now U.S. Route 212), 
which first broke the seclusion of the Clark's Fork in 
1934, is now the most scenic high road in the state. 
About twenty miles north of Cody lies a lonely turn- 
off marker at Dead Indian Summit, presently Route 
296. Tourists mosey along this gravel road each sum- 
mer through the Sunlight Basin seeking out the old 
L — T and the now deserted Hemingway cabin, the 
site where Ernest Hemingway, according to his son 
Bumby, wrote the beautiful short story, "Wine of 
Wvoming," in the summer of 1930." The big game 
are largely gone now and, though the lakes and 
streams have been stocked, the natural life of moun- 
tain fish that fascinated those early dudes has been 
long since lost. Like all incursion into the wilderness, 
the civilization of the automobile has taken over, 
whizzing passed the Clark's Fork, which flows peace- 
fully below in the Sunlight Basin, echoing Americas 
past and the Golden Era of the L — T. JUU: 

Ernest Hemingway and 
his wife Pauline at Spear 
round-up wagon in Wolf 
Mountains, Montana, in 
1928. Courtesy Elsa 
Spear Byron Papers, 
American Rentage 
Center, University of 

See also Kenneth G. Johnston, "Hemingway's 'Wine ot Wyo- 
ming": Disappointment in America," Western American Lit- 
erature 9 (1974): 159-174; and Paul Smith, A Reader's Guide 
to the Short Stories of Ernest Hemingivay (Hall & Company, 

Ann3i5 o' vVvominq: Tne V'.''vomirc; h'slcrv Jo. 


Edited by 
Carl Hallberg 

Significant Recent Books 
on Western and 
Wyoming History 

Playing for Time: Tlie Death Row All Stars. By Chris 

Enss. Charleston. South ■/,' ..._:a Publishing. 

2004. 128 pages. Biblioc 319,99. 

Bascl^all biiHs, who appreciate lor,s of- pictmcs but 
expect accuracy with the tact.s, will be .sorelv di.s- 
appointed with Chri.s book about the Wyoming 
State Penitentiar\' inmates who pLued the game in 
U) 1 1 . the publisher has touted the book as the stor\' 
of" loseph Steng and other death row inmates tor 
whom baseball was "literalh- a game ot lite and death." 
Furthermore, the book is hailed as the compelling 
stor\' abotu this team ot harciened crmimals who ex- 
celled at a ci\ilized game to bectime amatetu- sports 
heroes, and ot the ke\' pLu'er who led them to man\' 
\'ictories. Untortunatelw little ot this h\'pe is true. 
Only Seng taced the noose at the time. As tor "many 
victories," the inmates pla\'eci onK- three games and 
each was with the W\'oming Pliunbing Suppiv C]om- 
pan\' jtmiors. 

The major problem with this book is the lack ot 
credibility Enss states that there are many experts to 
confirm the events and man\' who denv such e\'er 
occurred. Nevertheless, she has persevereti and "in 
spite of criticism I have received trom historians anci 
scholars, 1 have chosen to tell this tale using the re- 
ports that suggest the activity ol" gi\'ing stays ot ex- 
ecutions to exceptional con\'ict ball pla\'ers. The idea 
ot deku'ing a trip to the galk)ws b\' deteating rival 
baseball teams is ri\eting and [needs] to be written 
about." in the process, she dettb' capes her critics. 
She calls them out, but dares not give them either 
footnotes or endnotes to challenge. 

Enss claims she interviewed rvvo ke\' people. One 
was Tina Hill, site director at the XW'iiming Frontier 
Prison. But F-|ill has informed this rexiewer that she 
knows of no such quid pro quo corruption in the 
pens history - where the warden co.Lxed members to 

pla}' well in exchange tor pardons. 1 he other intor- 
mant is an eltrsi\-e indix'idual named Powell h\'ers, a 
"W\ximing territorial Flistiirian, whom this reviewer 
has tailect to fmd. 

t-jiss writes with \er\e about the I'D 1 ,All Stars. 
bier dramatic portraval would ha\e more merit it it 
were true. Untornmatelv, the names she gave to the 
members ot her dieam team are as taux as the take 
\itae she ascribes to them: Lero\' Cooke is actualb' 
|.H. Burke, inmate ^1~4'0; Jack Carter is Noah 
Richardson, inmate #1 10^); Benjamin Owen is F^enr\' 
Edmundson, inmate ^.^"'7; and Horace Ponowm is 
Adam Ekert, inmate #600. I hough Fjiss dubs her 
ticklers Simon Kensler, Darius Rowan, and Eazlo 
Korda, their gi\en names are Herbert Brink, mmate 
#1443; James Williams, inmate #426; and Frank 
Wigtall, inmate #806. I hough George Saban, inmate 
#1441, organized and managed the All Stars, he tailed 
to take the field against non-inmates as shown b\' 
ptiblished team rosters and box scores. Regrettabb', 
these are but a tew ot the man\' errors tound in Enss' 
thght ot tanc\'. 

lo call this publicatiiMi a "book" is too bold a 
term. Her water thin tale totals sixteen pages with an 
additional twenr\--six pages ot items about Seng. I he 
rest is a mixture ot photos, cartoons, and illustrations 
about Americas national pastime, which are wagged 
b\' an eiyht-iiaee otitline about the authors screen- 

c r c 

pla\' tor a soon to be majiir HolKwood motion pic- 

It \-ou read her micro-novel, vou may finci this 
bit ot grist. Near the end ot Sengs lite, she claims, he 
". . . helped save the lite ot an epileptic [ball] player 
ha\'ing a seizure [during the game]. Holding the man 
down, Seng placed a pen in his mouth and kept him 
trom swallowing his tongue. loo bad the Rawlins 
Republican -A-ViA the Carbon Count]' Journal scnhcs who 

34 Annals ot VVvominq: The Wyoming History Journal - Winter 2005 

wrote about that game failed to find Seng's class act 
worth a line or two in their articles. 

Larry K. Brown 
Cheyenne, Wyoming 

Western Lives: A Biographical History of the Ameri- 
can West. Edited by Richard W. Etulain: University of 
New Mexico Press, 2004. 454 pages. Illustrations, maps. 
Index. Paper. $23,95. 

This is an interesting approach to western history. 
The book is divided into three definitive time 
periods, and the chapters identify well known as well 
as lesser known people. Biographies by their nature 
are not just the stories about people, their times, their 
locations, and their individual actions. Understand- 
ing the minds and reactions of Native American lead- 
ers and European explorers help us imderstand the 
reasons behind the decisions about settlements, state- 
hood, economics, and much more. 

Richard W. Etulain, who has produced more than 
forty books, has drawn on the best in academia for 
this book. The writing styles are as varied as the sub- 
jects. The information is fascinatingly accurate. Each 
biography is followed by an "Essay on Sources" de- 
scribing other opportunities to read about the sub- 

The book opens with essays about the earliest con- 
tact with natives. Gar\' Clayton Anderson used his 
two previous books to describe "Indian Leadership 
and the Early European Invasion in the New West." 
His theory draws on the biographies of Wakantapi 
and Juan Sabeata. Like all good leaders, both of them 
understood their role in educating the European about 
native ritual, kinship, and society. They were con- 
vincing leaders and displayed the qualities of com- 
promise and knowledge that helped their people. 
Anderson describes their characteristics in an unusual 

Juan Bautista de Anza was a Basque from Spain 
who served as the captain for life at a fort near Dou- 
glas, Arizona. Killed at the age of forty-six, his four 
year old son with the same name grew into the role 
of governor of New Mexico. John L. Kessell presents 
the biographies of the two men to explain the "vital- 
ity of colonial New Spain" during the 1700s. He also 
dwells on the role of the Basque and Jesuits in the 

feuding political world of western exploration. It is 
unusual to see this delineation between the Basque 
and Spanish roles in the American southwest. In his 
final essay on sources, Kessell credits historian Donald 
T Garate for much of the Anza biographical infor- 

In the chapters on the second time period, the 
nineteenth and twentieth centuries, R. Douglas Hurt 
used the fluent words of Rachel Colof to describe her 
reaction to Ellis Island. A Jew from Russia, eighteen 
year old Rachel was sent to America to marry twenty- 
two year old Abraham. Motherless, sent into ser\'ice 
b\' her grandfather, arranged to marry by an uncle, 
Rachel settled in North Dakota with her husband, 
and her descriptions are harrowingly graphic. Rachel 
is only one of several biographies Hiu't uses to de- 
scribe the "Settlement of the Agricultural Frontier." 
Elliott West uses the stories of Sarah Winnemucca 
and Chief Joseph to discuss "factors other than war- 
fare in determining the fate of Indian peoples" 
(p. 223). From the beginning the goal of assimila- 
tion was furthered through education and allotment. 
But post Civil War policy faced conflict from mili- 
tary, religious, and economic factors. West puts it all 
into perspective for us. 

Twentieth century characters come to life for us 
in the final chapters as the writers continue to ex- 
plore time and place resulting in the trends of "mod- 
ern" makers of history. Katherine G. Aiken writes 
about "The Interwar West, 1920 to 1940." She de- 
scribes Sister Aimee Semple McPherson, founder of 
the International Church of Four Square. The busy 
preacher was an anomaly as a woman, btu as a faith 
healer and religiotis fundamentalist she was a true 
reflection of the times which Aiken captures for us. 

Etulain concludes the book with 'A Bibliographic 
Essay" and a two part commentary on western his- 
tory soiuces divided by chronological periods. The 
book is truly useful as a basic histor\' and reference 
tool. It is a book you will enjoy reading. I did. 

Patty Myers 
Director, Campbell County Public Library, 

Past President Wyoming State Historical Society 

Women and Gender in the American West. Edited by 
Mary Ann Irwin and James F. Bonds. Albuquerque: Uni- 
versity of New Mexico Press, 2004. 437 pages. Notes. 
Paper, $22.95. 

This book of thirteen |cnsen-Miller prize winning 
essays Irom the Coalition for Western Women's 
History presents this broad spectrimi of \yonien's his- 
tory "as an introduction to tlie emerging historical 
world of women's West, " according to the editors. 
This coalition, which dates from 1983, inaugurated 
the fensen-Miller annual prize in 1990 to recognize 
outstanding scholarship about the experiences of 
women in the North American West. Since this 
"West " embraces Mexico, Canada, Alaska, and Ha- 
waii as well as the United States, and the authors not 
only write about the past but also "present a contem- 
poran- world of thought where the past is eyaluated 
from new yiew points,' the spectrum is indeed broad. 
Because of this extremely wide range of topics and 
ideas, the book seems imfocused and confusing at 

The tone of the \'olume is set hv the introduc- 
tion and fu'st essay, "Gentle Tamers Revisited: New 
Approaches to the History of Women in the Ameri- 
can West, " b\' Joan M. Jensen and Darlis A. Miller, 
which emphasizes the need for "studies funiK- based 
on a comparatiye multicultural approach of women's 
histor)' ..." 

Strangely, although these authors explore the his- 
tory of women suffrage at some length and Dr. TA. 
Larson is quoted extensively, mention aboiu Wyo- 
ming as the first territory or state to enfranchise 
women is carefully excluded. " There was a strono- 
movement in a number of territories for suffrage; in 
most it failed," they write. "In Montana, Utah, and 
Idaho, where it succeeded, religion and party politics 
most often determined success." 

The onK' essa\' based in the Rocky Mountain West 
is Carol C^ornwall Madsen's research abotu the des- 
perate plight of plural wives after Congress passed 
the Morrill Act in 1 862 prohibiting bigam\-. The Mor- 
mon C'hiuch c'axe them no leiial status, lea\'ine, them 

c c c 

\tilnerable to legal and econcTmic discrimination, ac- 
cording to her research. 

lames F. Brooks explores the "role captive women 
played in promoting conflict and accommodation 

between the Spanish (and later Mexican) societ}' and 
the indigenous people of greater New Mexico. " His 
studies show that captiye women sometimes achiewd 
both economic and social prominence, primariK- by 
virtue of their bi-lingual and social skills m t^\(l or 
more cultines. 

The de\elopment of Na\aio wea\'ing as an im- 
portant element of soiuhwestern totuism and the ef- 
fects of this cross-culture e\'olutiiui on both the 
Anglos and Na\'aios is the topic explored b\' l.aiu'a 
lane Moore in hei' essa\'. Interracial conflicts along 
the Southwest border, interracial marriage, two es- 
says concerning Canadian women, " 1 he Politics of 
Rene\'olence in earl\' San Trancisco, and the spec- 
tacular Ciilded Age trial involving a prominent sena- 
tor, his wife, and "African American entrepreneur, 
Mary Ellen Pleasant, " roimds out this \-olume. 

There is mi index, bin the credentials of each 
author are noted in detail and researchers should fmd 
the 1 10 pages of notes a \aluable tool for further 

Amy Lawrence 
Laramie, Wyoming 

Remington Schuyler's West: Artistic Visions of Cow- 
boys and Indians. Compiled by Henry W. and Jean 
Tyree Hamilton. Pierre: Southi Dakota State Historical 
SocietyPress, 2004. XX + 113 pages. Illustrati-' -s. 

index. Hardcover. $35.00. 

In 1903, young Remington Schu\ler (1884-19S5) 
grew restless with his studies at Washington Lhii- 
versity in Saint Louis and traxeled to the Rosebud 
Sioux Reservation in South L^akota where his cousin, 
C'harles McChesne\', was Indian agent. Schinler 
worked as a clerk at a reservation trading post and 
then became a cowhand on Bob Lmer\-'s H Bar Ranch. 
T)uring his time in South [Dakota, he learned the 
Lakota language and became acquainted with many 
Indians, including several prominent elders. Schuyler 
sketched the people and scenes around him and de- 
scribed his experiences in a series of \iyid letters to 
friends and famiK', some published in Rci///i/groi/ 
Scl.ntyler's West: Artistic \ isioiis of Cowboys and Indi- 
ans. As stated by Henry W. and Jean Tyree Hamilton, 
co-authors: "While he soon determined to return to 

3c Annals of .'Vvomina: The Wyoming HistOP,' Journal -- Winter 2005 

school to study art, the time spent in western South 
Dakota colored his entire life's work." 

Schuvler began his art studies at Washington Uni- 
versin,' in 1 904, studied on scholarship at the Art Stu- 
dents" League in New York, and was accepted as a 
pupil bv Americas foremost illustrator, Howard Pyle. 
After onlv eleven months study, he parted company 
April 21, with P\le when he sold a painting to the 
Saturday Eveui)ig Post for the cover ot its 1 906, issue. 
Schuvler's contemplative depiction of a lone Sioux 
hidian on a vision c]uest was the first of at least 359 
front-cover illustrations he was to paint tor 32 differ- 
ent magazines. In a torty-three year career as an illus- 
trator, Schuyler also painted dust jackets tor about 
thirtv-six books and illustrated fifteen. He illustrated 
at least eighr\'-seven magazine short stories or serials 
and both wrote and illustrated at least twenty-seven 
other stories and articles. Schuvler was long associ- 
ated with the Boy Scouts of America and was em- 
ployed for fifteen years as assistant to the director of 
publications and staff artist for Boy's Life. His "Old 
Timer" column appeared in Scoi/th/g magazine be- 
t^veen 1934 and 1942. 

While Schuyler did some illustrations for elite 
magazines like Saturday Evening Post, Literary Digest, 
and Century Magazine, the vast majority of his cov- 
ers were for magazines like Adventure, The Lrontier, 
Popular Magazine, Top-Notch, Western Story and Wild 
West Weekly. Many of his covers were "blood and 
thunder" western subjects-gun battles, fist fights and 
horseback derring-do churned oiu at a kirious rate. 
Others, such as his centers lor Farm and Fireside, in 
the early 1920s, portrayed Indians he had known in 
South Dakota, including Stands and Looks Back, 
Hollow-Horn Bear, and Picket Pin. Schuyler's sym- 
pathetic and insightful articles on these traditional 
tribal leaders and their wa\'s Irom Farm and Fireside 
are reprinted here, along with letters Irom his days 
out west and articles he wrote about ranch lile, in- 
cluding excerpts Irom his "Old Timer" columns in 
Scouting. These Lm\'arnished, first-person descriptions 
ol early twentieth centun,' lite on the Rosebud reser- 
vation and a Dakota ranch highlight the publication, 
but they contrast dramatically with the mass-market 
romance and violence evident in many ot the book's 

As historian Brian W Dippie says in his afterword: 
"Schuyler's West is timeless and placeless, responsive 
onl\' to the logistics of Wild West action. Humdrum 
realit\' and the sense of isolation he actually experi- 
enced in South Dakota play no part in it. He might 
bring first hand experience to Western illustration, 
but one would be hard pressed to find a shred ot evi- 
dence that it had much ot anything to do with what 
he painted. It was imagination in defiance ot experi- 
ence that permitted Schuyler to transform the ordi- 
nary into glorious fantasy." 

For a nimiber ot reasons, which Dippie exam- 
ines with great insight. Remington Schuyler has been 
all but torgotten since the Great Depression and 
World War IL and competing media like the movies, 
radio, and television, rang down the curtain on the 
"Golden Age ot American Illustration." The artist's 
own archive, which was gathered in an enormous 
pile in an upstairs room ot his home following his 
death in 1955, barely escaped a fire, and was orga- 
nized with loving care by his friends, the Hamiltons, 
who were the executors ot his estate. Schuyler's archive 
included clippings the artist had saved trom any pub- 
lication in which his art or writings had appeared, 
book dustjackets based on his paintings, books he 
had illustrated, numerous pencil sketches, and a life- 
time ot correspondence and other papers. 

In 1986, shortly after the death ot Henry 
Hamilton (1898-1984), the late Jean Tyree Hamilton 
(1909-1999) donated the Remington Schuyler pa- 
pers and the manuscript that she and her husband 
had prepared tor this book to the South Dakota State 
Historical Society in Pierre. The publication ot this 
book, nearly a halt century after Remington 
Schuyler's death, brings welcome attention to a long- 
neglected and nearly-forgotten American artist. 

Nineteen color plates and more than fifty black 
and white illustrations grace this handsome volume, 
which was designed by David Alcorn of Alcorn Pub- 
lication Design. Brian W. Dippie's afterword: 
Remington Schuyler and the American Illustrative 
Tradition offers an authoritative and highly readable 
appraisal of Schuyler's career, contextualizing his 
work in relation to that ot his contemporary N.C. 
Wyeth and the Brandywine Tradition, the western 
art genre, and the lot ot illustrators in twentieth cen- 

Annals of Wyoming The Wy. 

:er 2005 

tiiry America. "He might nor be illustration's lead- 
ing exemplar," Dippie writes, "but he had made his 
living as an illustrator for o\er fifty vears .... The 
call oi the West that had brought him to Soiuh Da- 
kota in 1903 had leh a permanent impress on his 
work. He was a Western illustrator, one of several 
who in the twentieth centinv defined the wa\' tlie 
world continues to view the West. It is a m\'thic West, 
of course, indebted not only to pulp fiction, but also 
to the honorable tradition of Buffalo Bill and the 
movies that embroidered wild-West-show heroics. It 
is long past time that we reinstate Schuvler to the 
ranks of those he called his peers and recognize his 
contribution to a mythic West that even at the be- 
iiinnins? of the new millenniimi still exerts a substan- 
rial appeal." 

Gordon McConnell 
Billings, Montana 

38 Annals of Wyoming: The Wvominp History Journal -- Winter 2005 

€ d) am ir J (i) 111 i| 

Leslie Shores 

A Look Into the Life of Thomas Twiss, First Indian Agent at Fort 

Laramie, page 1 

Leslie Shores received a Bachelor ot Arts degree in Anthropology and 
Archaeology Studies in 1995 and a Masters in Library Information 
Science in 2000 at the University of Texas in Austin. Since November 
2000 she has worked at the American Heritage Center, University of- 
Wvoming, as the photo archivist. 

Reagan Joy Kaufman 

Discrimination in the "Equality State": Black-Wliite Relations in 

Wyomig History, page 13 

Reagan Kaufman earned her Masters ol Art in Teaching History horn the 
University of Wyoming. Currently she teaches sixth through ninth grade 
Language Arts, Social Studies, and National History Day at the Univer- 
sity of Wyoming Lab School. The TA. Larson/McGee Foundation and 
the UW Arts and Sciences Independent Study Award financed her 

Eugene V. Moran 

Ernest Hemingtvay in the Sunlight Basin of Wyoming, page 28 

Eugene V. Moran is Professor Emeritus in the University of Wyoming 
College of Education. He received his B.A. from Millersville State College, 
M.A. from George Washington University, and Ed.D. from the University 
of Maryland. For many years he served as a Professor of English Education 
at the Univesity of Wyoming. He compiled the information for the Wyo- 
ming Literary Map published in 1984. 

Annals of Wyominq The 'vVvominq History Joufnai -- .\ir'.er 


Anti-mi.SLegeii.itioii law. 21-22 
Arizona 19-20 
Augusta. Georgia 8 
Bernsrcin, Charles C 19 
lilack 1-1, L'niversin- ol XWoming 27 
(photo 26) 
Black Codes" 14 

Konels, lames K, and Mar\- Ann Irwm, 
editors. W'oJiicu and Ginider in the 
Aiiicriciiii Wat, reviewed 35 
Briiiham "loung L'ni\'ersity 27 
[irown, Hcnr\- B. 14 
Brown, Larrv. reviewer ot PLiyiii'^for 

Tiiiif: The Death Row All Stars 33-34 
Brou'ii V. Board of Edneatioii 13, 19-21 
Biirtalo and New York Railroad 9 
Campbell, John A. 17, 21 (photo 17) 
( "arter. William A. 16 
( asper. WVonimg 23-26 
( heye)uie Dady Leader 16 
t "he\cnne, \X'\ommg 25 
t darks Fork 29-30, 32 
(.'linton. DeW'itt 4 

College of Colimihia, South Carolina 8-9 
t'ollister, C)scar 12 
Copeland, Anna Bowl 28 
( opeland, Fred A. 28 
Copeland, Frederick Kent 28-29, 31-32 
t Copeland, Frederick W'insor 28 
('.opeland. Margaret "MolK" 28 
Cosrigan Edward 24-25 
Cumniing. Altred 9 
Deer Creek 11-12 (photo 10) 
"Discrimination in the Equality State"; 
Black-White Relations in Wyoming 
Historv. " bv Reagan ]o\ Kaufman 13-27 
I 'os I'ossos, John 31 
Dver anti-K'nching bill 24 
Dver. Leonidas 24 
F^aton. Lloyd 27 
Emma Wiilard School 4 
Enss. Chris. Playing for Tune: The Death 
Row All Stars, reviewed 33-34 
Ernest Hemingwav in the Sunlight Basin 
ol Wyoming. " by Eugene \. Moian 28- 
Ftulain. Richard W'.. Western Tires: A 
Bnjgraphieal History of the Anieriean West. 
reviewed 34 
Floyd, John B. 11 
tort Adams 6 
Fort Bridget 16 

Fort Faramie 2-3, 9, 11-12, 16 
Hamilton, Henr\ \\ .. and Jean Tyree 
Hamilton, compilers. Remington Schuyler's 
Wb/-; Artistic Vision of Cowboys and 
Indians, reviewed 35-37 

fEimilton, Jean Intcc. and Henr\' W, 

Hamilton, compilers. Remington Schuyler s 

West: Artistic \ iswn of Cowboys and 

Indians, rexiewed 35-37 
Hardin. William Jefterson 21 
Harlan. John Marshall 14 
Harnev. William S, 10 
Hemingwav. Ernest 28-32 
Hemingwa)', Jaek 30-31 
Hill. Btitton S. 2 
Hoffman, William 10 
Holidav. Billic 24 
Hoopes, Alban W, 2, 1 1 
Indian tribes 

Arapaho 2, 10 

Chevennc 2, 10-11 

Sioux 2, 10-11 
Irwin, Mar\' .Ann. and James F Bonds. 

editors. Women and ( niidei in the 

American West, rcMcwcd 35 
Kaufman. Reagan Jo\'. author 2-12 (bio 

Faramie, W\'oming 23, 25 
Larson. F.A. 3, 22 
Lawrence. Am\'. re\'ie\ver ot Women and 

Cender in the American \\ est 35 
1 ittle Fhimder 10 

".A Fook into the I ite ot 1 homas Iwiss, 

First Indian A£;ent at Fort Faramie. by 

Leslie Shores 2-12 
1 -T Ranch 29-32 
1 \nchings 22-2T 
iNFiclcish. Archibald 31 
Mansfield. Jared 3 
Manypenny, George W. 10-11 
Martin, Joe 23 
McConnel. Gordon. re\iewcr ot Remington 

Sclniyler's West: Artistic \ 'ision of i'owhoys 

and Indians 35-37 
Middlebury, Vermont 5 
Mix. Charles E. 11-12 
Moran. Eugene \'. author 28-32 (bio 38) 
Mvers, Patr\'. reviewer ot lV<-(/t'r;; Lives: A 

Biographical History of the American West 

National Association fir the Adwinccment 

of Colored People 25-26 
Nesbitt Manutacturing ("ompaiu 9 
New Mexico 19-20 
Newport. Rhode Island 6 
Nordquist. Fawrence 29 
Nordquist, Olive (Watt) 29 
Nordquist, Pete 29 
Pfeiffer. Pauline 30-31 
Playing for Time: The Death Row All Stars, 

by Chris Enss, reviewed 33-34 
Plessy v. Ferguson 14, 16 

Remington Selmyler's West: Artistic \'ision of 
Coivhoys and Indians, compiled by Henry 

W. Hamilton and F\ree Hamilton. 

re\iewcd 35-37 
Fxeconstfuction Era 13-15 
Richardson. Hadley 30 
Sherrill. Sarah Fitch 4 
Shores. Leslie, author 2-12 ibio 38) 
Sidlev. William Pratt 28-29, 31 
Simpson. Milward 13, 19, 25-26 (photo 

Sparta. Cieotgia 5-6 
Spattanburg. South Carolina 9 
Standing Elk 11 
Sunlight Basin 28-32 
Thayer, Sylvan us 3 
Thornberry. David R. 27 
Tro\' Female Scminar\- 3-4 
lro\'. New York 3, 9 
Iwiss, Bridge 12 
Twiss, Charles 12 
Twiss. Elizabeth (Sherrill) 4-9 
Fwiss. Emma Elizabeth 7, 9 
Fwiss. Francis 12 
Iwiss. Franklin 12 
Twiss, Joseph 3 
Twiss. Joseph 12 
"Fwiss. Louis 12 
"Iwiss, Mar\ 8-9 
Iwiss, Marv 11-12 
Lwiss, Thomas 2-12 
Twiss. William 12 
L'pper Platte Indian Agenc\ 2-3, 9 
\aux. Richard 16 
Wagner. Robert 2-4-25 
Ware. Eugene F. 12 
Warne, Julia Pierpont 5-6 
Watertord Acadcm\ tor \oung 1 adies 4 
Waterford. New York 4-5 
Western Lives: A Biographical History of the 

American West. h\ Riehard Wdtulain. 

re\iewed 34 
West Point 3-8 
Willaid. Emma 3-8, 12 
Willaid. John 4 
Wiilard, John Heart 4 
Women and Gender m the American West. 

edited bv Marc Ann Invm and James 

F. Bonds, rexiewed 35 
Wynantskill, New \ork 8-9 
Wxoming Constitutional Convention 18 
Wyoming State Tribune 13 
Wvomiii" Ferritorx 13-18 

40 Annals of Wyomins: The Wyoming History Journal -- Winter 2005 




Order Yours Before 
We Sell Out Again! 

Finally, this classic 8.5" x 11" hardcover volume 
has been reprinted. The book features over 250 
pages of informative text and countless historic 
photographs from Wyoming's rich history. 

The book is only $40.00 and is available through 
some county chapters of the Wyoming State 
Historical Society, select museums and sponsor 
banks. If you prefer, you may add $6.00 for postage 
and the book will be shipped straight to your door! 

To fmd out where to buy the book in your area, please contact the Wyoming 
State Historical Society at (307) 635-4881. Or, send your check in the amount 
of $46.00 directly to the Wyoming State Historical Society at WSHS Book 
Project, 1740H184 DeU Range Blvd., Cheyenne, WY 82009. 







Wyoming Picture 

Richard Leterink, who learned to fly in rhe Armv during World War I, began Wyoming Airways 
during the early 1930s. Based in Casper, the company first was a mail carrier, but as the business 
grew it began carrying passengers as well. In 1944, Leferink sold his company, then known as 
Inland Air Lines, to Western Air Lines ol L^enver, with the promise that Western would con- 
tinue passenger service in Wyoming. Wyoming Cio\-ernor Frank Emerson posed with Lelerink 
in the photograph, ca. 1930. Courtes\- Richard Lelerink Papers, American Heritage Outer, 
Universirs' ol Wvomino;. 


The Wyoming History Journal 

Vol. 77, No. 2 

joo He L 

« «-afli:i" 

, ^ Great Case Nov, 




Tom Horn 

American Heritage Center, 
University of Wyoming 


Much has been written about Ibm Horn since his arrest in arrest in 1902 for killing ot 
Willie Nickell and his subsequent execution. Manv newspapers covered his trial and 
hanging and along with authors oi articles and books have kept Horns Story in the 
public consciousness. D. Claudia Thompsons article ecamines Horn's image through 
the past century. Sketch courtesy American Heritage Center, Universit}' oi Wyoming. 

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j4\ma\s of 




C 1) 111 'i 1/ J ''•a ijj i A» / v) 

I he Wviiming Histcirx' (nurnal 

Spring 2(10^ \(.l. ~~, No. 2 

The Image of Tom Horn 

D. ClaiKlia 1 hompson 

Moccasins and Wooden Shoes: 
Saint Stephen's Arapaho Indian 
Mission and Its Dutch Jesuit 
Pietcr H(.)\eiis 

Gray's Gables: Laramie's First 
Recreation Center 

Cliarles W. Nvc 

Book Reviews 

Hditcd b\' Carl Hallherc: 

Contributors Biographies 


JUIM ,3 ' 



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2 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming Hisiory Journal -- Sprinc) 2005 






D. Claudia Thompson 

Tom Horn, Wyoming Mrf^^^^ 
His Crime, ^Jial ExecnUo 
theJloodooJilJiSlLii. — 



That is What the Attorneys for the Defence Will Attempt to 
Establish in the Horn Trial. ^^ 


rto* -^"c^traPP-" 



_,^-^ „f joe l-"*"'' 



A few of the fieadlmes 
generated by newspapers 
before and after his trial and 
execution. Courtesy the 
Amencan Heritage Center, 
University of Wyoming. 

n October of 1902, the cir\' of Cheyenne staged perhaps the most hi- 
moLis trial ever conducted in WVoming. Tom fiorn, imprisoned since 
the beginning of the vear, was at last to be tried tor the ambush murder 
of fourteen-year-old Willie Nickell. Willie was the son of Kels Nickell, 
an Iron Mountain rancher whose violent and confrontational personal- 
b=i irv' had created feuds with his neighbors. The elder Nickell had clashed 

with |ohn Coble, a member of the politically-influential Wyoming Stock Grow- 
ers Association (WSGA), who pastured his cattle on land bordering the area where 
Nickell had introduced sheep. The Nickells were also on bad terms with the 
Miller family, neighbors whose children attended school with their own. When 
Willie was found shot to death on the Nickells land, two theories were advanced: 
that the Miller bovs were pursuing a quarrel with their schoolmate or that Tom 
Horn had mistook the boy for his father as part of a WSGA campaign to dispose 
of small ranchers. Horn was arrested after allegedly confessing to the murder 
during a drunken bragging match.' 

Details of the murder and arrest are to be Found in the Cheyemic Leader, Wyoming Tribune, and 
Lammie Boomerang, October 1 1-22, 1 902; book length biographies of Tom Horn are Dean Fenton 
Krakel, The Saga of Tom Horn (Laramie, Wyoming.: Powder River Publishers, 1954) and Chip 
Carlson, Tom Horn, Blood on the Moon (Glendo, Wyoming.: High Plains Press, 2001): recenr 
periodical literature includes Carol L. Bowers, "School Bells and Winchesters: The Sad Saga of 
Glendolene Myrtle Kimmell," Annals of Wyoming. 73 (Winter 2001); and Murray L. Carroll, 
"Tom Horn and the Langhoff Gang, ' Annals of Wyoming, 64 (Spring 1992). 

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal --Spring 2005 3 

The trial attracted broad res-ional attention from 
a press and public who still remembered the excite- 
ment generated by the Johnson County invasion of" 
a decade earlier. The trial oi the Johnson County in- 
vaders had also been scheduled to take place in Chev- 
enne, but delay's and financial ciitficulties had pre- 
vented it. The Johnson Count\' War had never been 
brought to a satistactorv end tor either side. No one 
had been convicted and no one had been vindicated. 
Journalists had been unable to frame a conclusion to 
gratiR' their readers. The Horn trial seemed like a 
second chance. 

"The widespread interest taken in the case," the 
reporter tor the Cheyei/ue Leader con^n^i^nted, "is evi- 
denced by the number of special writers of newspa- 
pers present, there being three reporters" tables inside 
the railing."- The co\'erage, howe\'er, was hir trom 
unbiased. Coble, who admitted employment of and 
friendship with the accused (although not the charge 
of paying for assassinations), inveighed bitterh' against 
the "marked unfairness of the Colorado-Wvoming 
press in handling the trial" anci the "rapacity' of maud- 
lin and not over-scrupulous newsmongers. "' 

The trouble was that the newspaper writers had 
their own, very specific agenda. The attorneys and 
jurv'men might be concerned with the actual guilt or 
innocence of Horn. The men (and women) at the 
three press tables were not. Thev were there because 
the trial was good cop\', likelv to sell newspapers. The\' 
needed to engage the interest and imagination of their 
audience; and, to do so, thev sought drama. Thev 
created an image of the defendant, constructed ac- 
cording to popular preconceptions, that their read- 
ers would accept and understand. That image has 
proved remarkably durable. Horn has been remem- 
bered for a hundred vears, and he does not seem likelv 
to be forgotten in the near future. In that time, the 
image has mattered as much as, perhaps more than, 
the reality' 

It is doubtful if the average newspaper reader of 
1902 knew very much about Horn. He had arrived 
in Wyoming in about 1894 to work for the Swan 
Land and Cattle Company as a stock detective.^ The 
duty of a stock detective was to prevent the theft of 
his employer's cattle. The WSGA employed public 
inspectors to protect all of it members, but some large 

ranchers employed private detectives as well. Large 
ranchers tended to suspect \irtualK' everyone of rus- 
tling, but neighboring small ranchers were often at 
the top of their lists. Small ranchers often resented 
what they perceived as the bullying and greed of the 
big outfits, and some expressed their resentment by 
ma\'ericking, so the suspicions were not alwavs un- 
founded. Horn worked for a nimiber of different 
ranchers in Utah, Wvoming, and Colorado. In areas 
where he worked, reptued rustlers sometimes died as 
the result of ambush killings. As a result, Horn ac- 
quired a reptuatK)n for disposing of rustlers without 
recourse to the law." It remains unproven whether 
there was any foundation to this reputation. 

Since most readers knew little or nothing about 
the accused man outside of these rtunors, the LiiidDiie 
BooDUTdJig attempted to fill in Horn's character by 
publishing colorful accounts of his past life. In these 
tales, the prisoner avenged his father's murder bv In- 
dians and pursued a love affair in Mexico. Neither 
story appears in Horn's posthtmioush'-published au- 
tobiography, but adventiues like these were a com- 
monplace ot Wild West fiction ot the period. News 
writers used such tales to suggest a figure who con- 
formed to familiar character tvpes that their audi- 
ence alread\' recognized. The frontier Indian fighter, 
as a character, had been made familiar to the public 
by popular fiction and the Wild West shows of Buf- 
falo Bill Cody 

Horn actually had been an Indian fighter. Trained 
by Al Sieber, he was a civilian scout and interpreter 
for the L'.S. Arm\' in Arizona during the Apache In- 
dian wars of the 1 870s. He came away from this em- 
ployment with an excellent record and the praise of 
the militar}' officers for whom he worked. Afterwards, 
he became a law officer and detecti\'e. This was an- 
other r)'pe with \shich the ptiblic was familiar. The 
most famous western detecti\'e, Charles Siringo, did 

' Cheyenne Leader, October 10, 1902. 

'Tom Horn, Life of Tom Horn. Government Scout and Interpreter 

(Norman, Oldahoma.: Universin.' of Oldahoma Press, 1964) 

p. 270. 
■* Horn, Life of Tom Horn. p. 225. 
^ Laramie Boomerang, October 5, 1902. 
'' Laramie Boomerang, jsinuiry 15, 18, 1902. 

4 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 

not publish the srorv of his Pinkerton work tintil 
1912, btit Siringo was preceded by an entire genre ol 
dime fiction detective novels and by the reminiscences 
of David I. Cook of the Rocky Mountain Detective 

Both the Indian fighter and the detective were 
useful to con\'ev the image o\ Tom Horn to early 
tA\entieth centur)' readers, but neither really suggested 
the character appropriate for the killer of a fourteen- 
vear-old bov. So the press sought a different meta- 
phor. In contemporary accounts ol the trial, report- 
ers who heightened the drama ol the proceedings by 
assuming the defendant s guilt most frequently mod- 
eled the prisoner as a professional assassin. "Tom Horn 
stands before the world as a r\'pe ol the bravo of the 
middle ages whose dagger thrust was an article ol com- 
merce at so much per prod, but whom civilization 
was long since supposed to have eliminated from 
modern socierv'," one Wyoming writer editorialized.' 

Most reporters were less historically-minded, but 
still emphasized the killer-lor-hire aspect ol the story. 
The Rofky Mouiitai)! News referred to Horn as a "tool 
of the cattle barons" and claimed that small land- 
holders were so intimidated by previous murders com- 
mitted at the behest ol big ranchmen that they might 
refuse to testif\- at the trial.'" The Booj)U'miig zgKcd 
that the Nickel! murder was not the only case in 
people's minds. "Ostensiblv the man is to be tried on 
the one charge... Back of this are four other killings 
[b\- Horn]."" The paper also explicitly connected 
Horn to the Johnson County War by placing the 
detective at the siege of the KC Ranch.'- No histori- 
cal evidence supports this placement, so the connec- 
tion was probably more psychological than actual. 
"[I]t is the principle of the crime, not its victim, that 
has aroused public sentiment to a degree not reached 
since the cattlemen's invasion,"' ' the reporter insisted. 
Since sentiment and principle connected the two 
events, the paper seemed determined to have the same 
actors involved. 

The most eloquent of the reporters in this vein 
was Polly Pry of the Denver Post. Polly's colorful pen 
name concealed the identity of Mrs. Leonel Ross 
O'Bn'an, the well-bred daughter of a Kentucky horse- 
man. She was one of the first "sob sisters": women 
iournalists who invited their readers to share their 

own powerlul emotions about the stories they cov- 
ered. Polly's paper, the Post, was an unabashed fol- 
lower of Randolph Hearst's news-as-entertainment 
style. ("We're yellow, but we're read," one the owners 
is supposed to have boasted.)'^ For Pry, the Horn 
trial was nothing less than a call to arms for a social 
revolution to overthrow the influence of wealth in 
American society. "The people are aroused, " she trum- 
peted, after the news ol Horn's conviction, "and they 
are determined that they will no longer tolerate the 
presence of a cold blooded assassin in their midst - 
no matter by whom protected."'^ In reporting Horns 
sentence, the Rocky Mountain News drove the same 
point home. The headline was subtitled: "Tool of the 
Cattle Barons Has to Confront the Law's Highest 
Penalty... "''' 

By the time of Horn's execution, a little over a 
year later, even the more moderate Cheyenne Leader 
had adopted the view that the condemned man was 
essentially an assassin. E.A. Slack, editor of the Leader, 
published a journal whose principal audience included 
the much-vilified cattle barons. Almost alone at the 
reporter's table, he had relrained h'om rushing to judg- 
ment, suggesting instead that the public might be 
willing to wait on the verdict of the jury. Once the 
verdict was reached, however, he allowed no doubts 
to linger in his mind. "The law ol self-defense is the 
first law of nature...; it applies to communities as 
well as to individuals, " he wrote. "Horns execution 

^ Charles A. Siringo, A Coivboy Detective (Lincoln, Nebraska, and 
London: Universir)' of Nebraska Press, 1988, reprint of 1912 
edition published by W.B. Conkey Company, Chicago); D.J. 
Cook, Hands Up: Or, Twent)' Years of Detective Life in the Moun- 
tains and on the Plains {Norman, Oklahoma.: University of 
Oklahoma Press, 1958). 

■^ "Bill Barrow [sic] Tells About the Corner that Tom Horn Has 
on His Business," Laramie Boomerang, February 4, 1902. 

' Rocky Mountain News (Denver, Colorado), October 10, 25, 

'" Laramie Boomerang, October 5, 1902. 

" Laramie Boomerang, junuary 15, 1902. 

'- Rocky Mountain News, October 5, 1 1, 1902. 

' ' Gene Fowler, Timber Line: a Story ofBonfils and Tammen (New 
York: Garden Cit)' Books, 1951), pp. 99, 120. Bill Hosokawa, 
Thunder in the Rockies: the Incredible Denver Post (New York: 
William Morrow & Co., Inc., 1976), p. 78. 

'■' Quoted in The Wyoming Derrick (Casper, Wyoming), October 
30, 1902. 

'" Rocky Mountain News, October 25, 1902. 

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 20D5 

Tom Horn, Wyoming's Notorious Outlaw according to the caption. Courtesy the American 
Heritage Center, University of Wyoming 

is the result ol" this iini\'ersal law.' i he historicallv- 
inchned editor ol" the LiirdDiic Booi/wrin/gsaw Horns 
fate in the context ot" the march ot civilization. After 
ringing the changes on "the rule of- the cattle baron" 
and "the power oi wealth [and] political influence," 
the eciitor reflected on progress. " Fhe da\' oi the hired 
assassin and the outlaw has passeti in Wyoming — 
passed with the rough and read\' methods and the 
crude ideas of frontier times. "''^ 

These universal sentiments ancl the high interest 
generated bv the Horn trial indicate that it was clearlv 

perceived as a case that was about more than the gtult 
of- one man. The vellow journalism oi the period 
shamelessly turned the trial into a show tor the amuse- 
ment of" sensation-loving readers, but the show had 
to have a moral. In the earh' twentieth centtu'\', the 
time ot Progressivism and populist politics, that moral 
was the corruption and ethical povert\' ot big busi- 
ness. More localh', Wyoming used the trial to assert 

"' Cheyenne Leiider.]in\.\iiy. 1902; Novemlier 2 1 , 190.^. 
' Laramie Boo}nemng,^ovemhier 2\, 1903. 

6 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyominci History Journal -- Spring 2005 

its maturin- and claim to respectabilirs'. Frederick Jack- 
son Turner had recently declared the close of: the fron- 
tier. Wyoming embraced this pronouncement, eager 
to shed its "wild west" reputation and assume a place 
in the modern nation. 

When Horn died on the gallows on November 
20, 1903, most people assumed that it was the end of 
something: the end of big money tyranny, the end of 
frontier lawlessness, at least the end of the man him- 
self But ideas are notoriously hard to kill; and indi- 
viduals who are made to embody ideas are difficult 
to dismiss. Cheyenne wanted Tom Horns death to 
demonstrate that it had become a safe and respect- 
able town. Fourteen vears later, it resurrected Tom 
Horn for a quite difterent purpose. In an article pub- 
lished in the Cheyenne State Leader in June 1917, the 
storv of Horn, "professional man-killer," was re- 
hearsed with embellishments about "the hoodoo he 
left behind." The lives of some of those involved in 
the trial were traced to tragic ends, while Horn, him- 
self it was hinted, might not have been the man who 
was hanged after all. Yet the article ended on a more 
conventional note. "So passed Wyoming's - and the 
latter day West's - most notorious desperado. . .Tom 
Horn will be remembered, if at all, as the condemned 
murderer ot a child." Ironically, a careful reading of 
this ston' reveals that it is essentially an advertisement 
for the Cheyenne Frontier Days celebration, in which 
Cheyenne glamorizes and romanticizes the disrepu- 
table past that the death of Horn was supposed to 
have ended. ''^ 

As for the moralistic assumption that Tom Horn 
would not be remembered, it proved a bad proph- 
ecy. Throughout the 1920s, journalists seized on any 
excuse to re-publish the tale. Artifacts owned by Horn 
were brought forward and people who made no fig- 
ure at the trial now spoke up to claim his acquain- 
tance and offer previously suppressed evidence. The 
degree of Horns culpabilit)', if not his actual guilt, 
came under question. One putative witness, whose 
version of events strayed considerably from the re- 
corded testimony, asserted that the "code of the range" 
had always regarded homesteaders as invaders.'" Even 
a better-informed Wyoming editor philosophized that 
"whether murder is right or wrong depends mainly 
on the point of view."-' 

There were even those who asserted the dead 
mans absolute innocence. In a pamphlet explaining 
techniques of trick roping, Charles Coe inserted an 
essay on Horn ("King of the Cowboys"), which pas- 
sionately defended the stock detective and impugned 
the integrity of the Cheyenne jury.'' William 
MacLeod Raine did not go so far, but in his chapter 
on Horn in Famous Sheriffs and Western Outlaws 
(1929), he included far more anecdotes favorable to 
the subject than otherwise. Raine also appealed to 
the closing frontier theorem to explain the contra- 
diction inherent in his hero-turned-villain presenta- 
tion. "It was the misfortune of Horn that he was of 
the old West and could not adapt himself to the new 
order," Raine suggested.-' 

Stories originating in Wyoming seldom chal- 
lenged the verdict of the jury. In 1927, recognizing 
the twenty-fifth anniversary of the trial (although the 
article emphasized that it had been twenty-four years 
since the hanging), the AP wire service picked up a 
Horn story emanating from John Charles Thomp- 
son, editor of the Cheyenne Wyoming Tribune. Th- 
ompson was one of the journalists present during the 
trial and a witness of the execution. His summary of 
the evidence and the events was plain and factual, 
and he did not suggest that there was any possibility 
that justice had miscarried. He reported rumors of 
Horn's survival but refuted them as nonsense. How- 
ever, the article offered a surprising conclusion: 
"[Horn] was one of the first paid assassins in Wyo- 
ming, performing killings now undertaken by hired 
gunmen in the big cities."'"* Far from being the end 
of something, Horn was now perceived as a precur- 
sor to the organized crime syndicates and mobster 
violence that plagued prohibition-era America. 

'* Cheyenne State Leader. ]\inz, 1917. 

" "Recalls Days of 'Cartle War' Against Farms" (E.T. "Doc" 

Pierce), Chicago Sunday Tribune, August 26, 1923. 
-" "Life ofTom Horn Recalled By Gun," Rock River Revieiv. April 

8, 1926 (reprinted from Wheatland Times). 
-' Charles H. Coe. Juggling a Rope (Pendleton, Oregon: Hamley 

& Company, 1927). 
"William MacLeod Raine, Famous Sheriffs andWestern Outlaws 

(Garden City, New York: Doubleday Doran, & Company, 

1929) p. 89. 
--' "Tom Horn's Gory Deeds Recalled 24 Years Later," Laramie 

Republican-Boomerang, November 19, 1927; "Tom Horn's 

Bloody Deeds Are Recalled 24 Years Later," Torrington Tele- 

gi-aph, November 19, 1927. 

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -Spring 2005 

1 his interpretation did not so much displace the 
previous one as nielci with it. When the gallows used 
to hang Horn (with notorious ineHlciencv) was 
brought out again, Wyoming journalists took note 
oi the resurrection oi a machine used to execute the 
"last of" the 'bad men' oi W\'oming and forerunner 
of the present gimmen.""^ 

By 1930, it was fairly clear that the memon,' of 
Horn was not destined to fade into oblivion, in that 
year the Denver Post, somewhat subduecl b\' age and 
success but still attuned to the popular mind, pub- 
lished a multi-part saga titled "1 he Inside Stor\' of 
the Life and Death of lom Horn." Ihe series ran 
daily from November 1?) to December 12. It was 
written by Richard R. iVIullins, who made no claim 
whatever to a personal acquaintance with the subject 
or his times. Mullins wrote piueh' as a historian. His 
history conflated Horn and the Johnson County War. 
Looking for the larger context of Horns conviction, 
the storv' emphasized attempts bv big ranchers to push 
out the smaller spreads b\' the use of extra-legal ter- 
rorism. Mullins accused the big ranchmen of many 
of the same "sharp practices" as the rustlers and told a 
story clearly sympathetic to homesteaders. Yet he also 
devoted considerable space to the weakness of the 
case against Horn and suggested that the cattle detec- 
ti\'e cultivated an inflated reputation as a killer for 
the purpose of intimidation, in effect, Midlins im- 
plied that Horn's reputation, rather than the evidence 
of the case, convicted him.^" 

Among W\'oming jotu'nalists Horn's guilt was still 
not subject to cjuestion, although he had become a 
figure of colorful nostalgia whose "depradations" [sic] 
were written up in a column called "Romances of 
Wyoming, " as "somewhat similar to those of the too 
well known road agents. "' (As the road agents re- 
ferred to were stagecoach robbers, the similarity re- 
quires a stretch - amounting to a giant leap - of imagi- 
nation.) Romance, however, was still occasionalK' 
defLited by interviews with living witnesses who had 
met Fom Horn. Some of them remembered his Ari- 
zona days and expressed surprise at his poor reputa- 
tion in Wyoming.'^'* 

Horn's image was invoked again in 1939 when a 
young man named Earl Durand broke out of jail in 
Cody, Wyoming, after being convicted of killing an 

elk out of season. While a fugitive, Diuand shot four 
men and was finally killed robbing a bank in Powell." ' 
C^ne journalist used the events as an excuse to record 
the reminiscences of Ray lyson of Sheridan, who 
had been a newsboy in Chevenne when Horn briefly 
broke out of the jail in that cuv berween his convic- 
tion and execution in 1 903. Ihe reporter linked Horn 
and Durand through the jail breaks but otherwise 
had to strain for parallels. The storv's sub-head as- 
serted that "Both i\4en Becran Their Killint? Careers 
When 26 Years Old " and the article insisted on the 
similarity of their shooting ability and wilderness skills. 
"These strange dangerous products of the west had 
the same faculty of going for days without a morsel 

of food " '" In fact, the ghost of Tom Horn seems 

lo have been raised mainly because the writer per- 
ceived an opportunity to tell a "Western" story. 

While Tom Horn sat in jail he had little to do, so 
he wrote down the story of his life as he wanted it to 
be remembered. Horn was a fine raconteur, and he 
wrote an exciting, if self-aggrandizing, tale about In- 
dian wars in Arizona. He had almost nothing to say 
about his career in Wyoming. He did not even ad- 
dress the question of his guilt or innocence in the 
Nickell murder, remarking instead that since his ar- 
rival in Wyoming, "everybody else has been more 
familiar with mv life and business than I have been 
myself... [r]he yellow journal reporters," he added, 
with a touch of both sarcasm and bitterness, "are bet- 
ter equipped to write mv histon' than am I, myself] "'' 

Newspaper joiunalists had, indeed, perpetrated 
some whopping yarns aboiu Ht)rn's past, although it 
is not clear who invented them.'' Since then, how- 
ever, most writers looking for backgroimd had been 

-* "Will Use Twenn'-Five Year Old Gallows Again." Rock River 

Reinew, December 20, 1928; "Horn Gallows Will Be Used," 

Wyoming Suite Tribune, December 20, l')28. 
-^ Denver Post, November 23-December 12, 1930. 
-'' Sheridan Press, ^ovemhet 15. 1931, May 1^, 1932. 
-" WorLindGrit,k'pn\5, 1934; Roek Springs Miner. Apn\ }. 1936. 
-» Sheridan Press. March 26, 1939. 
-" "Tom Horn Case Is Recalled B\- Durand Escape," Sheridan 

Press. March 26, 1939. 
"' Horn, Life of Tom Horn. p. 225. 
" See Laramie Boomerang. January 15. 1902. The article cites 

no informant, so it is unclear whether Horn or somebody else 

was tabulizin^. 

Annals of VVyoi'mnq: The VVvominq History Journai -- Spring 2005 

concent to borrow trom Horns own account. A tew, 
like \<'illiam MacLeod Raine, supplemented this 
source with information gleaned h'om living infor- 
mants/' The first book-length biography of Tom 
Horn, though, was produced in 19-46 by Jay 
Monaghan. Tlie Last of the Bad Men combined ex- 
tensive borrowings fiom the autobiography, inter- 
views with Horn family members and friends, and 
archi\'al research. Monaghan concluded that the au- 
tobiographv was generally correct in its positive por- 
traval of Horns role in Arizona, but he supported 
equalh' the belief in his subject's subsequent murder- 
ous career in Wyoming. Like Raine, he explained 
the contradiction by appealing to the theme of the 
closing frontier (as evidenced h\ his title). "The last 
great folk tale of the last American frontier is the 
storv of Tom Horn," the biographer rhapsodized." 
Additionally, Monaghan tried to account for the psy- 
cholog}' of Tom Horn by comparing the killing of 
Indians who were being supplanted hv white men to 
the killing of "one class of white men to make room 
for another class. "'^ 

Although Monaghan claimed to disapprove of 
srlamorizins or romanticizing the Old West, his bi- 
ography of Horn stemmed from and fed a growing 
interest in the place and period. It was not that there 
was an\-thing new about Westerns. The genre had 
been popular before Buffalo Bill and retained its ap- 
peal through the Depression; but as Americans con- 
fronted World War Two, they began to see their own 
histor\' in a broader context, causins^ "a surtie in west- 
erns with political messages."'" Sometimes the mes- 
sage conformed to the black-and-white moralit)' pre- 
viously popular; but there was a sub-genre of more 
serious literature that featured complex motivations 
and flaw ed heroes or anti-heroes. ' Horn i'n well into 
this landscape of moral ambivalence. In 1947, West- 
ern Comics published an issue depicting a sympa- 
thetic, even heroic, Horn. The comic book was in- 
tended for a national audience and, judging from 
the timing of its publication, probably stemmed from 
the Monaghan biograph}' and had more to do with 
Horn's Arizona period than his later career."^ Its ap- 
pearance, however, did not pass unnoticed in Wyo- 

Horns memor\' had been kept alive in the state 

largely by John C. Thompson. By 1943, Thompson 
was one of only four men still living in Cheyenne 
who had witnessed the execution.'' He wrote a col- 
umn, called "In Old Wyoming," for the Wyoming 
State Tribune in which he commemorated the state's 
lively past. Tom Horn was a frequent subject, and 
Thompson ne\'er wavered in his belief that the trial 
had been fair and the sentence justified.""' When the 
Western Comics version of Horn's life came out, 
Thompson indignantly disputed the attempt to soften 
Horn's image. Horn, he insisted, was a professional 
killer who had been "hired for a fee of $700 to assas- 
sinate [Willie Nickell's] father.""*' Persistent rumors 
of the cattle detective's escape annoyed Thompson 
just as much. He never missed an opportunit)' to as- 
sure his audiences that Tom Horn was quite dead.^" 

By 1952, Thompson himself was dead, and those 
with a living memor)' of Horn were becoming rare. 
One of the last was T Blake Kennedy, who as a young 
attorney had been one of Horn's defense team. 
Kennech' was ambivalent about his former client. He 
doubted Horn's guilt in respect to the Nickell mur- 
der, pointing out that Horn's "confession" did not 
match the physical aspects of the murder site. Never- 
theless, Kennedy was unwilling to condemn the ver- 
dict. He fell back on the belief that Horn had been 
responsible for other assassinations, and suggested that 
the jury, if mistaken in the particular case, was right 
on general principle."" 

LIniversitv of Wvoming agronomy professor Rob- 
ert H. Burns did not claim to have known Horn, 

■ Raine, Fmnoiis Sheriffs and Western Outlaws, pp. 80-91. 

'Jay Monaghan, TheLastoftl)eBadMen(\'a(Xv3.n3.jpo\v,: Bobbs- 
MerrillCo., 1946) p. 13. 

Mbid., p. 17. 

^Jeffrey Wallmann, The Western: Parables of the American Dream 
(Lubbock; Texas Tech University Press, 1999), p. 142. 


' Wyoming State Tribune, "In Old Wyoming," by John Charles 
Thompson, December 2, 1947. 

'* Wyoming State Tribune. November 23, 1943. 

" See Wyoming State Tribune, March 3, 1940; February 26, De- 
cember21, 1941; February 18, December 24, 25, 1942; May 
4, 1944. 

" Wyoming State Tnbu)ie, December 2, 1947. 

' Thermopoits Independent Record, h.\i^\m l.\ , 1947. 

' Unidentified, undated clipping (ca. 1950s) in Tom Horn, Bio- 
graphical File, American Heritage Center, University of Wyo- 

Annals of Wvominq The Wvominq Historv Journal -- Sonne 2005 

but when the Rtuc/ii/s Dtii/y 1 niws decided to revisit 
the tale b\' comparing Horn once again to the hit 
men of" organized crime s\'ndicates, Btirns, speaking 
as an historian, added his interpretation of" the trial's 
significance. The case, he said, signified the end ot 
private law in W\'omin" and the besinninsi of" legal 
courts." No doubt this idea startled Kennedx" and all 
the other lawyers who had supported, and been sup- 
ported b\', the flotirishing legal s\'stem which had op- 
erated in Wyoming since its inception as a territor\" 
in 1868. 

The Horn gallows stu'hiced agaii"i in U'^2, when 
the Casper Mon/ii/g Star ai"id the Liirdnm' Rcpubliciui 
BooDieviUig raised the issue ol" what l"iad becon"ie of" it a 
vear before the fiftieth anniversarv of the execution. 
Cither Wyoming papers picked up the storw either 
betore or after it n"iade its wa\' onto the L'P wire ser- 
vice.'^ I he "m\'ster\' ol the i"nissing gallows was 
cleared up when it was located at the state pen i ten - 
tiar)' in Rawlins, but the liveliness of the interest m it 
inspired Uni\ersitv of Wvoming archivist Dean 
Krakel to undertake a new biograpih\' of Hori"i based 
on the documents and oral histories available in the 
archi\es. Tl'c Saga of loin Hodi appeared ii"i U''^^. 
Krakel published man\' primar\' documents and in 
the prehice lyricized about the fiftv-vear-old e\'ents. 
"[ The case] invoked the life and death of a wa\' of 
living that revolved around a code ot the 
range... [F]or 0\d. Cheyenne... the Tom Horn case 
made her think, to ren"iember...Che\'enne was stid- 
denl\- alive again - then she was suddenK- sad. . ." for 
a way of life gone forever.'" Krakels nostalgia seen"is 
more suited to the Chevenne of the I'-'^Os than that 
of 1902. 

~[ here were a few other sur\i\ors who remem- 
bered Tom Horn: his barber, a voung cowbov, and a 
boy who had played with the children of the Nickell 
family. The barber and the cowboy expressed doubts 
about Horns guilt. ^ The Nickell familv plavmate 
thought "Horn was a pest exterminator, specializing 
in pests that wore boots. "'^''^ 

In the fif"tv vears followii"ig bis execution, it had 
become clear that Horn was destined to be one of 
the mythic figures of the West, whose name could 
conjure interest long after his life had ended. It is 
almost a commonplace of such figures that legends 

grow up purporting that the\" did iu)t die at the time 
or in the n"ianner recorded. Such legends persist abotit 
Jesse lames. Bilk" the Kid, and Butch C'assid\-. The 
stories around Horn sa)' more about his status as un- 
dving legend than thev do abotit Wvomings inabil- 
irv to execute the n"ian it had conden"ined. Between 
l')()2 and f-'^^, the meaning of the legei"id had not 
so much changed as expanded. Originalk', Horn's 
death had signified the triumph of Progressi\ism 
n"iixeci a little with the end of t"rontier violence. A 
decade later, his guilt had becoi"i"ie less personal than 
situational. Shortk' after, it became romantic. Horn 
was seen as a bridge between niedie\al and modern 
\ iolence. He s\"mbolized the beginning of one thing 
\\ ithout ceasing to be the end of \'er\" much the same 
thing. He was a nostalgic figure, a cc">nflicted figure, a 
i"i"ian out of his time, a man who embodied his tin"ie. 
All the original meanings were still there. Ion"! Horn 
signified the niumph of cix'ilization, tl"ie end of \ igi- 
lante law. Later meanings were lavered on top Horn 
was simultaneouslv a modern assassin and a tragic 
figure let"t behind b\- the moderi"i world. Ai"iother idea 
snaked its wa\- through all ot these n"ieanings. The 
idea had been there from the beginning, but, until 
recentk", it haci been acceptable onk" outside of the 
state that had condemned him. It was jtist possible 
that lom Horn was innocent. 

The U^SOs was a decade of "affluence and na- 
tional accord," \'et there was a darker tindercurrent 
to the period, fueled b\- fears of nuclear holocatist 
and C'omn"iunisn"i.' " During the I'-'OOs, as it became 
clear that American good was not going to triun"iph 
over C.ommtmist e\il in Vietnam, a n"iood of dotibt 
and c\nicism began to set in. This mood was increas- 

^■' Rawluis Daily Times. Julv 24. 10^2. 

^■' See tor example Cispe-r Moniuig Stiir, November 20, l')^2; 
Laramie Republican Boomerang. November 20, 1952; 
Rawlins Daily Titnes, November 21. 19S2; Lhiiversit^' of 
Wyoming Daily News. November 26, 19^2. 

*^ Dean Fenton Krafcel, The Saga of Tom Horn . p. i\'. 

"'' "Tom Horn's Barber [Enos Laughlin], unidentihed, undated 
(ca. 1956) clipping in Tom Horn, Biographical File. Ameri- 
can Heritage Center; "Saga of Tom Horn Is No Legend To 
Chevenne Man \('ho Knew Him [Hugh M. McPhee], U vo- 
ming Stare Tribune. November IS, 1954. 

"■ "Books Today" review ot Krakel with reminiscences ot A.E. 
Roedel. Wyoming Stare Tribune. Februar\' 16, 1958. 

^^ Wallmann, 77'(' Western, p. 152-153. 

1 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 

inglv reflected in Western literature. The theme ot 
the 2;unfighter outhxing his time and becoming an 
anachronism was already common. The disillusion- 
ment of the 1 960s and 1 970s took a more bitter form 
in "existential protagonists [who] confront their tare 
alone, unable to do much to genuinely improve their 

The Western started to fall out of favor. In 1958, 
there were twentv-nine Western series on prime time 
television. In 1968, there were ten. By 1978, the num- 
ber had dropped to two.^' The traditional Western 
ol heroic struggle and good triumphing over evil 
seemed out ot synch with the times, but the existen- 
tialist anti-hero unable to aftect his fate was not popu- 
lar. Both stvles ol Western were produced. Neither 
srvle sold well. In an attempt to revive lagging sales, 
writers of westerns invoked history to give legitimacy 
to a genre that was being rejected by the audience as 
unreal and irrelevant. In 1969, screenwriter William 
Goldman achieved success by combining the gtm- 
fighter-out-ol-his-times and the existential-anti-hero 
motifs with the assertion of historical veracity. Btitch 
Cassidy and the Sundance Kidv^is a commercial suc- 
cess well beyond the normal expectations for West- 
erns. Its themes ol alienation and irony (its outlaw 
heroes are sickened b\' the blood they have to shed 
when they become upholders ot the law) seemed to 
resonate with the general publics- 
Ten years later, the writer turned his attention to 
the Horn story. Mr. Horn ran on television in early 
1979. It was a sympathetic portrayal, starring David 
Carradine, which drew heavily Irom Horn's mem- 
oirs and showed him as an Indian fighter in Arizona. 
The question ol his guilt in the Nickell murder was 
not directly addressed, but the script implied that he 
was Iramed. Reviews were lukewarm. ^^ Nevertheless, 
a year later William Wiard directed a feature film 
called Tom Horn, starring Steve McQueen in the title 
role. This screenplay concentrated on the Wyoming 
years and relied on the gunfighter-out-ol-his-time 
theme. Horn was portrayed as a victim ol changing 
times and his own inability to cope with a more com- 
plex world. He is a prolessional killer whose success 
embarrasses his employers. They betray him and sac- 
rifice him to the law to save themselves. Individual 
characters sometimes attempt to act morally, but the 

world is an amoral place and self-interest achieves 
more.s' As part ol the promotion for the movie, 
Vincent Foley, director of the Wyoming State Ar- 
chives, Museums and Historical Department, formally 
requested a pardon lor the "dead, notorious stock 
detective Horn" from Wyoming Governor Ed 
Herschler. It is not at all clear why Foley thought 
Horn deserved a pardon, "as a man who lived be- 
yond his time,'"'^ and it does not seem that it was 

In 1991, Chip Carlson brought out a new com- 
pilation of primary source documents relating to Tom 
Horn, remarking in the first chapter that "Tom Horn's 
death symbolically marked the passing of the Old 
West in Wyoming... "^^ Carlson's examination of the 
evidence apparently brought him to the conclusion 
that Horn's trial was unjust, and he spear-headed a 
movement to re-tr}' the condemned man in Chey- 
enne. In September 1993, a new trial was granted to 
Horn. Local men took the characters of participants 
in the trial, but they were not confined to the words 
ol the trial transcript. Actual attorneys conducted the 
cases lor the prosecution and the delense. This time 
the delense vigorously attacked the confession ob- 
tained by Marshal Joe LeFors and called into ques- 
tion not only the marshal's methods in obtaining the 
statement but his own integrity. The final verdict ol 
the jury was also different. They declared the defen- 
dant innocent.^ There was no need to re-enact the 

It did not settle the question. Some writers con- 
tinued to believe in Horn's guilt. ^'^ Following the 
mood of the nation in the late 1990s, other writers 
began to uncover conspiracies. Carlson, who contin- 

Ibtd., p. 157. 

Mike Flanagan, Days of the West (Frederick, Colorado.: Re- 
naissance House, 1987), pp. 191-193. 
Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid {IQ''^ Century Fox, 1969). 
'"Just Couldn't Miss' Just Doesn't Make It" review in Denver 
Post, February 1, 1979. Details of the plot and casting are 
taken from this review. 

International Movie Database, httpi/ com/title/ 
tt008003 1 /plotsummar)'. 
Casper Star, October 31, 1979. 

Chip Carlson, Tom Horn: KillingMen Is My Specialty (Chey- 
enne, Wyoming.; Beartooth Corral, 1991), p. 2. 
WyomingTnbune-Eagle, September 18, 1993. 
Laramie Daily Boomerang, May 22, 1998. 

Annals of Wyoming The Wyominq Hi?ton; Jou'oal -- Snnni yr-fi'^ 

Lied to be the most active in keeping Horn's ima^e 
before tbe public, described Horns eniplo\'meiit bv 
cattlemen as a conspirac\' to kill rustlers. He also sug- 
gested a conspiracy by local cattlemen to "wipe up" 
the Nickell family, who had brought in sheep.'''' Fi- 
nally, he brought up again the rumor, which had never 
really died, that Horn's employers cons[")ired to hel[i 
him escape."" This last idea is also the basis of jon 
Chandler's 2002 novel, Wyo})iingW'nid. In the novel, 
Horn is saved after blackmailing his employers with 
threats. In a second conspiracy, the cattlemen kill him 
after he has lost the chance to implicate them in the 
murder."' Chandler did not claim to belie\'e the stor\' 
himself, but said that he had not invented it, tracint: 
it instead to "alleged descendants of Wvoming's turn- 
of-the-centur}' cattlemen. ""' 

On the one hundredth anni\'ersar}' of tlic hang- 
ing of Horn, C'he\enne staged a t\s'o-da\' celebr.i 
tion. Special events inchided a memorial mass, mo- 
ment of silence, and a birthdav partv for Horn, re- 
enactments, a lecture bv C^arlson in character as Tom 
Horn, a wake, and a look-alike contest. As to the 
question of the guilt or innocence of Fom Horn, 
"the jury's still out.""' The Wyoming State Museum 
set up donation boxes offering the public a chance to 
vote one way or the other. When the boxes were 
openecl, the larger numlier had x'oted 'not guiltv.'"* 

Historians still disagree about Horn's guilt or in- 
nocence. Some exonerate him, some condemn him, 
some echo the ethical ambivalence of the Jazz Age.""' 
But the favorite description of Horn one hundred 
years later is 'enigmatic' "Horn is an even more com- 
pelling figure because of his dark, enigmatic, mvste- 
rious nature," Carlson declared in the introduction 
to his 2001 biography of the cattle detective."" His- 
torian Phil Roberts explained the continuing fasci- 
nation with Fom Horn b\' noting, "he was so enig- 
matic. "" Another historian ptit it more broadlv. 
"People love a good mystery," she said."*'' 

The image of Horn has been an elastic one, able 
to stretch to meet the times without ever quite losing 
its original shape. In 1903. Horn was perceived as 
the tool of wealthy and powerful men who placed 
their economic interests above the law. In 2003 
Carlson made the same argument, stating that the 
jury members were "middle-class people who sympa- 

thized not with lom Hoin and his emplo\x'rs, hut 
with the prosecution. ""'' Yet, although Horn lemains 
a s\'mbol of weakh and powei- abused, he is also (or 
has been) a symbol of man's incapacity to affect his 
fate. He has been both the perpetrator and the vic- 
tim of conspiracies. He has been both hero and vil- 
lain. It is no wonder that he is now seen as An enig- 
matic figure charged with contradictorv meanings. 

C^onspicuously absent from this discussion has 
been Horn himself. There is a reason for this. An 
examination of writings about Horn does ver\' little 
to illuminate the character of the man. In print, the 
cattle detective has alwa\'s been a shadowA' figure hid- 
den behind his own sxinbolic portrait. Some of the 
responsibility for this must rest on Tom Horn him- 
self. During his lifetime, Horn liked to tell stories 
about himself. Often he portra\ed himself as a hero, 
hut not alwa\'s. Man\' of his stories were at least sub- 
stantialh' trtie, but some of them were not. One dav 
in an o ice in downtown Cheyenne, he told Joe 
LeFors a stor\' about shooting down a foui"teen-\'ear- 
old bow FeFors had hidden a stenographer in the 
next room to take dow n the stor\', so that it could be 
told again as evidence in a courtroom. In the end, 
the "confession" was the onK- compelling e\ idence 
the |Lirv had. In 1^02, one of the newspaper report- 
ers summed up the ironw "L'pon lom Horns verac- 
itv rests his fate. If the jur\ beUeves he told the 
truth... a verdict of murder in the first degree will be 
returned against him. If the\' belie\'e that he is a liar, 
the\' will acquit." " Poor lom Horn! It seems that 
for him, image was always more important than real- 

'* Casper Sliir-lrihuiic. July 24, 1999, 

^'' Wyoming Tnbune-Eciglf, November 14, 2003. 

'*" Jon Chandler, Wyoming Wind (Waterville, M.iine: Five Star, 

"7/W., p. 204, 

''' Wyonitng Tribiine-Eagle, November 14, 200.i, 

'" Larainte Boomerang, November 1?), 2003, 

"' See inrer\'iew with Chip Carlson, Laraniic Boonitiang, No\em- 
ber H, 2003; Phil Roberts quoted in Larnmie Daily Boomer- 
ang, May 22, 1 998; Carol Bowers quoted in Laramie Daily Boo- 
merang. May 22, 1998, 

'" Carlson, Tom Horn: Blood on the Moon, p, xv, 

'■'' Laramie Daily Boomerang, Ma\- 22, 1 998, 

" Carol Bowers quoted in Laramie Dady Boomerang, Ma\' 22, 

'* Laramie Boomerang, November 23, 2003. 

''" Cluyenne Leader, October 22, 1902, 

1 2 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyominfl History Journal -- Spring 2005 

Moccasins and 
Wooden Shoes: 

Saint Stephen's 

Arapaho Indian 


and Its Dutch 

Jesuit Superiors 

by Pieter Hovens 

Saint Stephen's Mission, located on the Wind River Reservation. Courtesy 
the American Heritage Center, University of Wyoming. 


By the mid- 
century, the 
impact of 
white colo- 
was felt 
directly on 
the plains. 

Prelude: Wars and Treaties 

rapaho oral traditions relate about a westward migration Irom the western Great 
akes area onto the plains where they became equestrian in the first half ol the 
nineteenth century. The vast buffalo herds guaranteed their survival, providing all 
that was needed lor survival: food, clothing, tipicovers, and fuel. However, they at 
first had to compete with other tribes on the plains for living space and repeatedly 
became involved in intertribal warhire. Warriors became crucial tor delense and 
ofiense, and a war complex developed in which the acquisition ol individual and 
collective spiritual power and protection was sought, and social status was achieved 
through success in warlare and raiding. By the mid-nineteenth century, the im- 
pact ol white colonization was felt directly on the plains. Settlers had crossed the 
Mississippi River and were pressing westward. Military lorts protected the Or- 
egon and Santa Fe trails, and the army began to pacify the Indians, leading to a 
series of "Indian wars" and treaties the tribes were forced to sign. The buffalo 
herds were being exterminated by white hunters and colonists, thus destroying 
the Indians' livelihood. Introduced diseases had devastating consequences for the 
Native inhabitants who had no immunity against the scourge of smallpox and 
other contagious diseases." 

About 1 830, the Arapahos began to separate in northern and southern groups. 
The Northern Arapahos were party to the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1851. More 
than three hundred children were baptised at that occasion on September 15 by 

Loretta Fowler, "Ampaho,'' R.J. DeMallie, ed. - Handbook of North American Indians: Plains 13/ 
2:840-62; Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 2001. 

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journa: •- Ssr'rrj 2Cj5 13 

Belgian Jesuit Father Pierre-jean DeSmet wiio at- 
tended the council. The Fort Laramie Ireatv ush- 
ered in an era oi intermittent Indian-white conflicts, 
hunger, poverty, and disease tor the Arapahos and 
other Plains tribes. During the ISSOs, the Northern 
Arapahos abstained from warbre but man\' perished 
due to smallpox. Between 1810 and 1 8"^8, epidemics 
reduced theii' niunher irom twentv-seven himdred 
to about eight hundred.' The discovery ot gold in 
their territory in 1858 led to the influx of miners, 
followed by settlers. This forced the Indians from 
their lands guaranteed by treatv, but they resisted bv 
raiding white settlements. In 18(i-4, the armv re- 
sponded when Colonel Chivington and his troops 
attacked a camp of peaceful Cheyenne and Arapaho 
Indians on Sand Creek and massacred the inhabi- 
tants. The Cheyenne and Arapaho War of 1864-65 
was the result and ended with an armistice, tempo- 
rarily secured by a treaty negotiated bv the Indian 
Peace Commission in 1868. That same year Wyo- 
ming received territorial status. 

Continuing Northern Arapaho resistance to white 
encroachment, led bv C^hief Black Coal, was finally 
almost crushed in the Bates Battle of 1 874, and for a 
time some Northern Arapahos warriors joined the 
Sioux in their armed resistance. The Northern Arapa- 
hos were removed to Wyoming b\' 1877, and began 
congregating on the Wind River resersacion in cen- 
tral Wyoming where they settled next to their former 
enemies, the Shoshones. The principal Northern 
Arapaho chiefs on the reservation were Black Coal 
and Sharp Nose. The band of the former settled 
around Arapaho, the latter at Hthete. Fhe newcom- 
ers were given equal rights to the reservation in 1 8*^) 1 
as a consequence of the Dawes or General Allotment 

With the settlement on the Wind River Indian 
Reservation in Wvoming in I 8'78 the Northern 
Arapahos closed a devastating chapter in their tribal 
history, and commenced a new one of unknown chal- 
lenges and even threats. Thev settled in the south- 
eastern part of the reservation, the area of the 
confluence of the Wind River, the 1 ittie Wind River, 
and the Popo Agie River. Camps arose along both 
watercourses, and with government support farms 
were begun by chiefs, families and bands. This change 

in subsistence became increasingK- important after 
the buffalo completeK' disappeared from the Wvo- 
ming plains in 1885. Chiefs Black (7oal, Sharp Nose 
and White Horse were most successful in maintain- 
ing private and band farms, enabling rhem to dis- 
tribiue food to need\' families and \'isitors, and for 
feasts, thus maintaining their status, ("hief Black C^oal 
was keenK' aware of his new political and economic 
environment and said: "This land was the country of 
my fathers, now ciead and dying. We have many chil- 
dren. We love our children. We \'er\' much want a 
good school house, and a good man to teach our 
children to read \'oiu' language, that rhey mav grow 
up to be intelligent men and women, like the chil- 
dren of the white man. And then, when Sunday- 
comes, we would be glad of some good man to teach 
oiu- children about the Great Spirit."'' 

St. Stephen's Mission: The Early Years, 1884-1890 

When L)l\'sses S. Cirant became president after the 
Civil War, he was faced with the problem of Indi.m 
polic}' and its administration, (iraft ,ind corruption 
was rife among Indian agents who were [Political ap- 
pointees, and in response Grant formulated his peace 
polic\- in 186*^^. Candidates for the position of In- 
dian agent from then on needed professional qualifi- 
cations t)n the one hand, while their leputation had 
to be gtiaranteed b\' churches and their inissionarv 
societies which received the pri\ilege to propose suit- 
able candidates. Thus, church and state became pow- 

' Jolin Kilioren, Come, BLickrabt': DcSmet and the bididi! Frdgedv 
(Niirman: University of OkLihoma Pres.s, 1994), p. 164; Rob- 
ert C. Carriker, Father Peter John DeSinet: lesint in t/k- \\''e<t 
(Norman: Universin' of Oklahoma Pres.s, 199S1, pp. l.i3-13-4. 
Paul Ponziglioni. "The Arapahos in WVomint;, Wmidstoei' Let- 
ten 20 (1891): 220-24; Virginia Trenholm. )he Ampahm: Our 
People (Norman: Universir)' of Oklahoma Press, 19~0), p. 3M; 
Lorerta Fowler, "Arapaho" pp. 840-62. 

' Trenholm, fhe Arapahos: Our People, pp. 2TO-'i2, 260-62. 268- 
79; ['.A. Larson, History o/'\V)'o;»/»(j (Lincoln: University' ol Ne- 
braska Press; 1990), pp. 34,106; Henr^ E. Stanim, People of 
the Wind River: The Eastern Shoshones. lSJ^-1900 (Norman: 
Llniversity of Oklahoma Press, 1999), pp. 241-42. 

^ 1 oretta Fowler, Arapaho Polities. /iS'5/-/9~S (Lincoln: Univer- 
sity of Nebraska Press, 1982), pp. 84-86. 

" "The Founding and Growing Years: a Shared Memon,, " Wind 
River Rendezvous 14/2 (1984): 5. 

14 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 

erful allies in the war on "savagen' and heathenism." 

The Episcopalians were assigned eight Indian 
asencies, seven in Dakota Territory, and the Wind 
River Indian Agency in Wyoming. In 1 883, the Welsh 
Episcopalian minister John Roberts arrived, built St. 
Michaels mission chapel at Ethete and began a school 
for the Shoshones in a government building. He be- 
came superintendent of the government school in 
1884 when his assistant Sherman Coolidge arrived. 
Coolidge was an Arapaho who had received a west- 
ern education and was the first Indian to become an 
Episcopalian deacon and minister. In 1898, Coolidge 
expressed his ambitions and views as tollows: "... to 
see these Shoshones and Arapahos civilised and 
Christianised; ... we realise that it cannot be done all 
at once. It takes time to uproot Irom their deep foun- 
dations the heathen doctrines, superstitions, and tra- 
ditions of anv ignorant pagan people," showing him- 
self truly assimilated into Christian and western cul- 
ture, although he later became an advocate of Indian 

From 1882, Bishop O'Connor of Omaha fur- 
thered the idea of establishing a Catholic mission on 
the Wind River Indian Reservation. Father D.W 
Moriarit}' became the first pastor at Lander and dur- 
ing his two vears' stay reported lavorably about the 
prospects of missionary work among the Indians of 
the Wind River Indian Reservation. The bishop fur- 
ther received assurance from the federal government 
that the church could use certain vacant buildings at 
Fort Washakie for a mission. A government board- 
ing school was also being constructed and when 
O'Connor offered five thousand dollars to furnish 
it, he was given permission to provide for the educa- 
tion and spiritual wellbeing of the Indian children. 
Under the peace policy, the federal government con- 
tracted with churches and missionary societies for 
educating Indian children. Per capita amounts were 
paid lor every child clothed, led, boarded, and edu- 
cated at the mission schools. However, O'Connor 
was not able to recruit a permanent missionary and 
teaching staff immediately. The olfer of the Wind 
River Indian agent therelore expired and Episcopa- 
lian minister John Roberts moved in first and began 
work among the Shoshonis. Arapaho Chief Sharp 

Nose granted Roberts permission for a similar estab- 
lishment among his people.'' However, the Episco- 
palians were unable to follow up, and instead the 
Jesuits were granted permission to begin work. Black 
Coal's camp was situated next to the proposed mis- 
sion site. The chief regarded the new institution as a 
possible source of power, both in a political and eco- 
nomic sense. It could be a source of support for the 
position of the Arapahos as newcomers to the reser- 
vation. In the years that followed he would prove to 
be an adept negotiator for his people and able to 
maximise the opportunities for influence with civil 
and church authorities and attain economic and po- 
litical gain. 

It took a while before O'Connor found a candi- 
date willing to take the position as Indian mission- 
ary in Wyoming. The Missouri Province agreed to 
accept responsibilir\' of the mission as a "Missio In- 
dica temporaria," but as they had no priest available 
at the time they turned to Superior Father Lessmann 
of the Jesuits at Buffalo. He found German Father 
John Jutz willing to accept the appointment in Wyo- 
ming, and Brother Nunlist prepared to join him as 
assistant. They arrived in the spring of 1884 on the 
Wind River Indian reservation where Black Coal re- 
affirmed his support for a Catholic mission. A cen- 
turv later, Arapaho elder Gabriel Warren recalled the 
oral tradition pertaining to their meeting: "It was a 
long time ago that a Catholic priest ... approached 
Chief Black Coal to get permission to build a school 
and a church. Chief Black Coal gave his permission 
. . . They both shook hands and thanked each other. 
The priest . . . was going to say Mass to thank the 

Peter J. Rahill, The Catholic Indian Missions and Grants Peace 
Policy, 1870-1884 (Washington: Catholic Universit)- of America 
Press, 1953); Hent)' G. Waltmann, "Circumstantial Reformer: 
President Grant and the Indian Problem," Arizona and the West 
31 (1971): 323-42. 

' Winfred H. Ziegler, V^oming Indians. Describing the Work of the 
Episcopal Church (Laramie: Diocesan Office, 1944); Edward S. 
Duncombe, "The Northern Arapaho Experience ot Episcopal 
Mission Work and United States Indian Policy, 1883-1925," 
Anglican and Episcopal History G6 (1997): 175-98, 354-82, 520- 
42; Stamm, People of the Wind River: the Eastern Shoshones, pp. 

" M.j. Hofferer, "St. Stephen's Mission, Wyoming," Woodstock Let- 
ten 54 (1925): 40-49. 

Annals of Wyominci' The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 

Chief Black Coal of the Northern Arapahos, Courtesy the 
American Heritage Center. University of Wyoming, 

Creator for rhis school and so that our thoughts may 
be one. . . . 1 he priest called the chief and his people 
that were with him... The chief told the priest, 'I 
want to thank \'oti tor the worship that vou have 
brought here. May this worship go on for a long time 
to come. Our children that go to school here might 
learn the white man's wav of worship and that we 
might learn also. Our children may go to school and 
learn the white mans wa\' of thinking'. . . . That is the 
way how the missionaries and the Arapahos got ac- 
quainted with each other."'" 

After this agreement, Jm/ and Nimlist offkialK' 
foimded St. Stephen's Mission and began the con- 
struction of a chapel and a school at Arapaho in the 
southeastern part of the reser\'ation, foiu' miles south 

of Ri\erton. The site was at the confluence of the Big 
and Little Wind rivers, in a beautiful valley with a 
mild and healthy climate during most of the year, 
but suffering from hea\'^' snow storms in winter. 7 ire 
school was to become a focal point of the mission as 
edticational institutions were fimded bv the federal 
government. However, federal support for the school 
was not yet guaranteed, and the donation of five thou- 
sand dollars from philanthropist Katherine Drexell 
was too little to start the new establishment on a se- 
ctire footing. In the fall of ISiSS, both Jesuits were 
recalled b\' their superior, albeit against their objec- 

CVCAinnor, throtigh Father Stephan of the Rti- 
reau of Catholic Indian Missions in Washington D.C., 
subseqtientb' again turned to the jestiits of the Mis- 
souri Province, and even appealed directly to Father 
General in Rome for support. The necessity of a 
strong and visible presence in the Indian mission field 
in the American West was recognised b\' all concerned, 
and it was resolved that an experienced missionary 
would be sent to the Wind River Indian Reservation 
to further develop the modest and still insecure foun- 
dations that had been laid by Jutz. in the summer of 
1 88(i, Italian Father Paul Ponziglioni, one of the most 
experienced |esuit Indian missionaries, with a long 
career of work amongst the Osages and Potawatomis 
in Kansas, reopened St. Stephen's. Soon after his ar- 
rival, Ponziglioni fell ill, probablv suffering from dys- 
enter\', and was replaced b\' Belgian Father Francis 
X. Ktippens in September 1880. When the school 
season commenced, fifteen to twenty Arapaho chil- 
dren attended every day, but as their number in- 
creased, expansion of the brick building was begun. 
In 1887 sixty chiklten were accommodated and the 
government awarded St. Stephen's a contract for the 
education of Arapaho and Shoshone pupils. 
Katherine Drexell, the heir of the wealthy Francis A. 
Drexell of Philadelphia who became a sister in 1891 
and foundress of the Order of the Blessed Sacrament, 
provided ten thousand dollars for the construction 
of the boarding school. In early 1889, the building 
was fmisheci and occtipied, ninet}' Indian boys and 

'" "The Founding ,ind Growing Years: .i Sliared Memor)'," W'hiii 
River Rendezvous 14/2 (19cS4): ^. 

1 6 Annais of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal - Spring 20Q5 

girls receiving religious training in addition to learn- 
ing reading, writing, and arithmetic. In 1892, the 
bovs were moved to a separate building." 

The Catholic diocese of Cheyenne, consisting oi 
the whole of Wyoming, had been established in 1887, 
and the Arapaho mission was super\'ised by Bishop 
Burke. Father Francis X. Kuppens from Flanders (Bel- 
gium) worked at St. Stephens from 1887-1889. He 
also started a farm, keeping a herd for beef produc- 
tion and a number ol dairy cows. Fie enlisted the 
assistance of the Sisters of Charity of Leavenworth, 
Kansas, to operate the school. The "White Caps," as 
thev were called by the Arapahos, arrived in January 
1888 and occupied the small brick convent which 
had been built. For the missionar)' and educational 
work the services ol an Arapaho interpreter by the 
name of William Shakespeare was enlisted. However, 
Kuppens did not succeed in obtaining the contract 
grant from the government for the costs of the school 
of SI 08 per child per annum in an elficient manner. 
A poor administrator, he did not pro\'ide the required 
paperwork. Kuppens' administration of the mission 
as a whole failed as he was unable or unwilling to 
cooperate with the federal government and because 
ol poor financial management. When government 
funds lor the school were not lorthcoming in sulfi- 
cient amounts and due course, he sent the children 
home, closed the school, and was about to leave the 
mission, the institution burdened with debts.'" 


Canon of St. John'.-; Episcopal Cathedral. Denver, Colorado. 

Sherman Coolidge was the first Native American to become an 
Episcopalian deacon and minister. Courtesy the Amencan 
Hentage Center, University of Wyoming. 

Ignatius Panken at St. Stephen's, 1890-1891 

St. Stephens lound itsell in crisis with the impend- 
ing departure of its superior, and an unannounced 
visit by U.S. Indian Inspector General F.C. 
Armstrong in October 1889. The federal civil ser- 
vant reported his findings to his federal superior and 
to the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions in Wash- 
ino-ton, D.C. The latter bureau immediatelv sent its 
secretar)' George Willard to the Interior Department 
to ward oil negative government action, notablv the 
withdrawal ol funding which would inevitablv lead 
to closure. Although Commissioner of Indian Affairs 
Morgan threatened to withdraw financial support, 
the situation was saved when the Sisters of the Sacred 
Heart ol Leavenworth, Kansas, agreed to come to St. 
Stephens to teach the Indian children, and by the 

" A.C. Zuercher, "History of St. Stephen's Mission on Indian 
Reservation is One of Service," The Riverton Revietv and Riverton 
Chronicle, June 4, 1936; Giltiert J. Garraghan, The Jesuits in the 
Middle United States (New York: America Press, 1 1938), pp. 
512-15; Joseph Henry, Catholic Missionaries on the Wind River: 
The Saint Stephens Mission to the Arapahos. 1884-191 1(MA-V3.\i- 
kee: University of Wisconsin, M.A.-thesis, 1984), p. 38. 

'' Panken to Marty, March 23, 1890, Papers of the Bureau of 
Catholic Indian Missions (BCIM), Marquette Universit}' Library, 
Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Henry, pp. 25-27; Garraghan, p. 515. 
The latter author does not mention Kuppens' maladministra- 
tion and lack of social skills as causes tor his departure and the 
succession by Panken. He simply states that Kuppens was un- 
well and instructed to return to Kansas. During the research tor 
this article it became increasingly clear that Kuppens suffered a 
mental breakdown as the result of the strains of his work, a 
phenomenon which has received little attention in the histori- 
cal literature, although there is frequent mention of missionary 
administrators who "failed." 

Annals of Wyoming. The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 1 7 

willingness oi a new Jesuit priest to take over the hail 
establishment in Wyoming: the Dtitch Father Ignatitis 

Panken was born on No\'ember 28, 1832, in 
Duizel, a small village in the province ot North 
Brabant, in the southern part ol Fhe Netherlands. 
On entering college he fell severely ill and was al- 
most incapacitated for seven years. However, when 
he finally recovered and determined to become a 
priest, he entered the seminary at Sint-MichieFs-Gestel 
and graduated in 1849. In 18S7, he made the ac- 
c]uaintance of Father Pierre-Jean DeSmet who was 
in Europe recruiting voung missionaries and collect- 
ing funcJs, and soon Panken crossed the Atlantic with 
him to become a Jesuit missionarv. He entered the 
noviciate at Florissant, Missotiri, and subsequentiv 
studied and taufrht at St. Louis Universitv, bein^ or- 
dained on September 29, 1862. In 1870, he joined 
DeSmet on a tour of the Dakotas. In 1873, Panken 
established Saint Elizabeth parish in an African- 
American neighborhood centring on Fourteenth and 
Gay streets in St. Lotiis, and somewhat later a paro- 
chial school and a school for orphaned and abused 
children. Saint Elizabeth was regarded as one of the 
most successful missions of the Jesuits among non- 
whites, both spiritualh' and flnanciallv.' ' 

C^n Januar\- S, 1890, Missouri Province superior 
Father Frieden made an urgent and successftil appeal 
to Panken to take over St. Stephen's Mission. The 
Dutchman reached his new station later that month, 
after a long joLunev bv rail and stasje-coach across 
the plains, struggling through deep snows and bliz- 
zards. Black Coal accompanied him on the final leg 
of his journey, and assisted Panken in crossing the 
Popo Agie and Little Wind rivers. After a good night s 
rest he sat down with a despairing Father Kuppens 
who informed him about the dire financial straits of 
the mission: twenty-five hundred dollars were re- 
quired to pay off debts and re-open the school, and 
running costs needed to be secured by regular pay- 
ments if the educational institution was expected to 
function properly. Kuppens also shared his fears with 
Panken about dismissal because he suspected that his 
superiors had doubts about his character and quali- 
ties. Thus Panken made his entry into the difficult 
Indian mission field. Wliile he wrote his first letter to 

Provincial Father Frieden, his hands were nimibed 
by the severe cold and the ink froze in the well, ctit- 
ting short his first communication with the mission 
authorities in St. Louis. '^ 

Panken immediately set about investigating the 
circumstances of the mission. After examining the 
papers and talking to former emplovees of St. 
Stephen's, Indian parents. Black C^oal and the Indian 
agent, he travelled to C^reighton College in Omaha 
to collect funds that would enable him to re-open 
the school. From Panken reqtiested twent\'-fl\e him- 
dred dollars before hurr\ ing back to the Wind Riser 
Reser\'ation where Kuppens had become so ill that 
he was given the last sacraments on February 2."' 
Father Willard from the Bureau of Catholic Indian 
Missions visited St. Stephens shorth' after Panken's 
leturn, and was disappointed about the conditions at 
the mission. In the meantime, Frieden of the Mis- 
souri Province informed the Bureau of Catholic In- 
dian Missions that his province had shown more than 
its "ood intentions b\' accentinc, the original two or 
three-month temporar\' assignment of St. Stephen's 
in 1886 that had meanwhile extended into a four 
\'ear supervision and responsibility. He gave the bu- 
reau final notice of the intent of the Missotiri Prov- 
ince to recall its staff at St. Stephen's b\' the stimmer 
oi 1891 when the school \ear ended.' 

In Februar\' 1890, Panken reported his findings 
to Provincial Father Frieden in St. Louis. He pointed 
out that the mission and school could only be main- 
tained sticcessftilK' if the funding from federal sources 
was secured, pa\'ments atrix'cd timelw and St. 
Stephen's was staffed bv two missionaries to take care 
of the Arapaho parents and the religious teaching of 
the children in school, t\vo brothers for the dail\' run- 
nin<: of the two establishments, and sisters to teach 
the children in academic stibjects. His views of 
Kuppens were mixed, and he stressed that his col- 

" Commissioner Morgan to Frieden, Jan. 28, 1890; Stephan to 
Commissioner Morgan, Jan. 29, 1890, Midwest Jesuit Ar- 
chives (MJS), St. Louis, Missouri. 

'■* St. Louis Globe, Marcii 25, 1906; John R. Maguire, ed., St. 
Elizitbeth's Sevenrj'-Fifih A)inniersiiry (Si. Louis: Model Printing 
Company. 1948), p. 6-8. 

'' Panken to Frieden, Jan. 23 and 24, 1890 (MJA). 

'" Panken to Mart>', Feb. 7, 1890 (BCIM). 

'^ Frieden to Stephan. Feb. 19, 1890; April 26, 1891 (BCIM). 

1 8 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 

league had to work under almost impossible circum- 
stances, and had shown much perseverance against 
all odds. On the other hand, he also acknowledged 
that Kuppens had cracked under the strain and ex- 
hibited increasing erratic and paranoid behavior. He 
accepted no advice trom others and seemed beyond 
reason, refusing Panken any assistance and even ob- 
structing him, amongst others by destroying the 
mission's financial records. Such behavior hielled sus- 
picions of financial mismanagement, suspicions that 
were affirmed a short while later. The only work 
Kuppens was fit for at that time were daily practical 
chores, including selling produce from the mission 
garden. Panken also warned Frieden that he suspected 
the Indian agent of tr\'ing to get control ot the school, 
and that Kuppens' staunch opposition to its re-open- 
ing without secure funding increased the risk of los- 
ing the school.'"^ In March, Kuppens was recalled 
and sent to Creighton College in Omaha to regain 
his mental and physical health.''^ 

Back at St. Stephen's, Panken spent considerable 
time talking to Arapaho parents whose questions 
about Kuppens' erratic behavior, the closure of the 
school, and the Jesuits' intent for the future needed 
to be addressed. The missionary was able to answer 
most criticisms and queries and allay most fears. On 
March 18, 1890, he was able to re-open the school, 
and Black Coal came over for the occasion at which 
thirt)' Arapaho pupils were registered. As the Chief 
had heard that provisions lor the school had arrived, 
he asked lor a least and a dance to be given to com- 
memorate the re-opening ol the school, and Panken 
promised that he would arrange the affair. Soon the 
school was instructing thirty Indian children during 
the spring months. Father Paul Ponziglioni, at that 
time in his seventies, was sent to 'Wyoming again to 
proN'ide Panken with assistance in the emergency situ- 
ation that had arisen. The Italian priest travelled 
around the reservation on business and spiritual mat- 
ters. In addition. Father Scollan assisted at the school, 
teaching the oldest boys. The mission was still in dire 
financial straits, and Panken demonstrated that the 
federal government owed the school more than eight 
hundred dollars in back payments for the teaching 
of the children. From the Bureau ol Catholic Indian 
Missions a shipment of groceries was received, but 

the clothing for the children was delayed because of 
heavy snows. Panken even lacked the money to send 
a telegram to the mission office in Washington, DC. 
To make matters worse, the two Sisters of Leavenworth 
who had come to teach the Indian children had been 
disappointed with conditions in Wyoming and re- 
turned home before the school re-opened. There were 
no funds to hire help to plow and sow the fields, thus 
undermining the self-sufficiency of the mission.'" 

Panken's frequent requests for urgent material 
assistance were rewarded in late March and early April 
1 890. The mission bureau in Washington sent funds, 
and part of the money missing from the mission was 
recovered. Food and clothes were received from the 
East, and bishop Marty arranged for additional ship- 
ments of food. Panken accepted the position of post- 
master which assured the mission of free mail. Marty 
also provided funds for the mission farm, and soon 
fields were plowed and sown. Food was very expen- 
sive in this isolated area and it was hoped that soon 
the mission farm would provide the establishment 
with sufficient fresh food to sustain the staff and the 
Indian pupils throughout most of the year, and pos- 
sibly a surplus for sale, generating much needed cash. 
An irrigation ditch was constructed to ensure a bet- 
ter crop. Money was also made available to purchase 
dairy cows.-' Several new Sisters of Charity arrived 
to teach at the mission school. On St. Stephen's Day 
the children, their parents, and other Arapahos were 
treated to the distribution by the missionaries ol po- 
tatoes, beef bacon, coffee, sugar, flour, and candy. 
They all congregated around the tipi of Black Coal 
where a communal meal was prepared and eaten. 

" Panken to Frieden, Feb. 2, Feb. 21, March 7, and undated letter, 
1890 (MJA). 

''' The Washington Bureau had already come to this conclusion 
much earlier. Father Willard had been sent to St. Stephen's to re- 
open the school, and employ the police if necessary to overcome 
the physical opposition that Kuppens threatened Willard to 
Panken, April 22, 1890 (MJA). 

"> Panken to Willard, March 20, 1890 (BCIM); Cummiskey (Vicar 
General of the Diocese of Cheyenne) to Panken, April 2, 1890 
(MJA); St. Stephen's School Report for April-May 1890, Na- 
tional Archives and Records Administration (NARA), Wind River 
Indian Agency Files, Denver, CO. 

-' Panken to Stephan, April 2, April 12, 1890; Panken to Mart}', 
April 27, 1890 (BCIM); Panken to Frieden, undated letter 

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal --Spring 2005 19 

Ponziglioni observed: "as Fishes are taken b\' the 
mouth, so are aborigines."" 

Black Coal regarded the mission as a resotirce to 
maintain his position as leader. Although the govern- 
ment had given permission to the Jesuits to build the 
mission, the chief" had demanded and received sev- 
eral payments from Father Jutz to allow the mission 
to be situated at the confluence of the Little Wind 
and Wind rivers. He demanded additional payments 
for every new building, and on three occasions he 
confiscated improvements when the mission was tem- 
porarily insufficiently supervised. Even Indian Agent 
Thomas Jones was indignant about such behavior. 
However, the Jesuits wished to maintain the chiefs 
goodwill and periodicallv treated him and his band 
to a feast, providing bread, coffee, meat, and beans. 
Black Coal also controlled the wagework the mission 
provided, notably the cutting of firewood. Thus he 
was able to solidifv his position as leader as he ful- 
filled all the social requirements of a band leader."' 

The Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions and 
Panken were still concerned about the future of the 
school. It was realized that the institution as it had 
been operating until then would not become a flour- 
ishing establishment if conditions did not change. 
The teaching of academic subjects and instruction in 
the Catholic religion held little attraction for most 
Indian children and their parents. Attendance would 
therefore always fall short of expectations. This would 
defeat the primarv' aim of the mission and school: to 
salvage heathen Indian souls from the devil, to gain 
them for the Kingdom of God, and turn them into 
civilized American citizens. Onlv if children were ag- 
gregated fulltime in a controlled environment could 
the promotion of the gospel and a Christian and civi- 
lized wav of life meet with anv success. Moreover, 
only a considerable number of Indian pupils would 
guarantee the government grant for their education. 
Finally, there were fears that the federal government 
would step in to take over the school at St. Stephens 
and turn it into an agency school.-^ Father Stephan 
of the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions therefore 
asked Panken to propose a plan for the institutions 
further development. 

On May 28, Panken sent his ideas to the mission 
bureau in Washington. He envisioned a school that 

was more responsive to the practical concerns and 
needs of daily life of the Indians on the Wind River 
Reservation. Thus he advocated turning the school 
into a vocational institution for 100 to 12S Indian 
children, mostlv Arapahos. This would enable the 
training of the girls in homemaking, and the bo\-s in 
farming and a variety of vocational skills. Fhe Sisters 
of Charit)' would teach the girls and the younger boys, 
and the Jesuits would teach the older boys. The mis- 
sion farm, to be enlarged to fifty acres, would pro- 
vide ample opportunities to teach bo\'s the basics of 
farming and dair\'ing. 

Panken had alread}' begun to put these ideas into 
practice in the spring of 1890, albeit on a modest 
scale. The mission school soon had fift\'-one acres of 
farmland under culti\'ation. Fhe crop consisted of 
potatoes, turnips, onions, beans, cabbage, lettuce, 
pumpkins, and melons, in addition to corn, wheat, 
and oats. The stock consisted of twentv-five cows, six 
pigs, eight horses, and a number of chickens and tur- 
kevs. It was an ideal en\ironment in which to train 
Indian boys. The girls were taught western stv'le home- 
making, and learned cooking and sewing clothes.-^ 
With the school in operation again, Panken succeeded 
in re-obtaining the education grant from the gov- 
ernment. However, because the funds were long de- 
layed, the financial situation remained precarious for 
a considerable time. Under the contract between the 
government and the mission, the Bureau of Indian 
Affairs paid $108 per year per student in attendance. 
Although most schools were able to cover all expenses 
with this grant, St. Stephens and some others came 
up short due to a variet}' of reasons. Delavs in receiv- 
ing the government grant necessitated loans and the 
payment of interest, an extra financial burden. Gov- 
ernment rations were often of poor qua!it\' and re- 
quired replacement purchases. The Wind River In- 
dian Ae;ent S.R. Martin in 1884 asked the Bureau of 
Indian Affairs for more and better food. In some 
areas at certain times the price of food and goods 

" Ponziglione, "The Arapahoe Indians," p. 315. 

-' Fowler, Arapaho Politics, pp. 82-86,136. 

-■* Panken to Stephan, May 27, 1890 (BCIM). 

-^ Panken to Stephan, May 26, 1890; Ponzighone to Stephan, 
August 2, 1890 (BCIM); St. Stephen's School Repon, April- 
May 1890 (NARA). 

20 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 

deli\'ered from rhe East were extremely high due to 
regional shortages and transportation costs. Misman- 
agement also played a role occasionally. St. Stephens 
was plagtied bv all these factors at various times in its 
earlv decades. Another major problem was the health 
of the children in the boarding schools. Cramped 
conditions in wooden buildings stood in stark con- 
trast to life in tipis and the open air. This transforma- 
tion of lifest}'le contributed to the frequent occur- 
rence of lung diseases, notably tuberculosis. The Epis- 
copalians reported that between 1883 and 1889 about 
one third of the Shoshone and Arapaho school chil- 
dren died from malnutrition and lung disease at the 
school in Ethete. However, at St. Stepen's the health 
situation was much better.-" One can imagine the 
reluctance ol" Indian parents to send their children to 
school under such devastating circumstances. 

Soon after the children were sent home tor their 
1890 summer vacation, a terrible windstorm struck 
the mission area. On July 17, devastating winds and 
rushing floods caused considerable damage, but the 
mission narrowly escaped lull destruction. Panken's 
plan for the mission school soon faced defeat when 
the Sisters of Charity were withdrawn from the mis- 
sion that summer, and the Sisters of Mercy were un- 
able to provide the five teachers that Bishop Marty 
had hoped to make available." Undeterred, Panken 
hired three white women from Lander instead, all of 
them Protestants. The Arapaho parents were not 
happy with this new development, but sevent\'-two 
children were registered at the beginning of the new 
school year. Panken took it upon him to assure par- 
ents that he would enlist the services of sisters again. 
Father Cornelius ScoUan, a secular priest with con- 
siderable missionary experience among Canadian In- 
dians, was in charge of the education of the boys. He 
worked on Arapaho grammar, and taught the cat- 
echism to all pupils in the Arapaho language which 
he had mastered to some degree. This skill and his 
personality' made him rather popular with the chil- 

All children were taught the three Rs and received 
religious teaching. They mastered English in the class- 
room and eventually could read and write on at least 
a basic level. However, outside of class they spoke 
Arapaho despite continuing efforts of the staff to have 

them talk in English. Bestowing an English name on 
them had only a symbolic impact. These names were 
often given them by the missionaries, and when chil- 
dren used these the mission staff, sometimes errone- 
ously, regarded this as an indication of the civiliza- 
tion and Christianization process gradually taking 
effect. From the fall of 1 890 the boys were trained in 
farming and learned vocational skills required to op- 
erate a farm and becoming self-sufficient. The girls 
were trained in all domestic skills, including sewing, 
cooking, and cleaning, with the aim of turning them 
into efficient homemakers or into domestic servants. 
The missions farm and the school not only provided 
ideal environments for such training, but the work 
the children put in contributed to the development 
of both. Soon the number of stock increased and a 
new han'est of potatoes, beans, and peas came in. 
Testimonies to the success of the new approach were 
the prizes received by several of St. Stephen's students 
at the county fair. However, the farm operation was 
still small-scale, and it would take more time to de- 
velop it into a profitable resource. 

In 1890 Wyoming was admitted to the Union as 
the forty-fourth state. In the spring of that year, the 
mission and school at St. Stephens were threatened 
by unrest among the Indians on the reservation. 
Panken was confronted with an "unusual excitement" 
among the Indians about "a prophesy," which "inter- 
fered with the success of the school." The Indians 
attended dances frequently, and tension was in the 
air. Father Superior hoped that the unrest and ten- 
sion would subside as soon as possible.-'' The unusual 
excitement among the Arapahos was indeed caused 
by a new prophesy, announcing the disappearance of 
the whites from the ancestral lands of the Indians, 
the resurrection of deceased relatives, and the return 
of the buffalo herds, by performing a spirit or round 
dance to mobilize the supernatural powers able to 
effect that transformation. The Arapahos were known 
for their intensely spiritual world view, permeating 

-'' Henry, Catholic Missionaries, pp. 33-35; Duncombe, The 

Northern Arapaho, p. 357. 
-' Marty to Panken, May 8 and July 1, 1890 (MjA). 
'" Ponziglioni to Frieden, Dec. 31, 1890 (MJA); Ponziglioni 

(1890), 314; (1891), 222-224. 
-' Panken to Stephan, May 26, 1890 (BCIM). 

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -Spnng 2005 

all aspects ol" their life, and they were recepti\e to 
prophesies. The traditional religious leaders were not 
opposed to the new religious movement, but reminded 
their people that allegiance should remain first and 
foremost to the tribal Sacred Flat Pipe ceremonies. 
Sharp Nose was one ol the principal Arapaho leaders 
in what has become known as the Ghost Dance 
movement, but Black Coal remained skeptical 
throughout.'" White settlers soon went in a state ol 
panic and frontier newspapers fired up public fears 
of an inmiinent Indian uprising. The Wind River 
Indian agent noted that many Arapahos neglected 
their duties and were absent from their homes, tak- 
ing part in the dances of the "Ghost Dance craze." 
However, Panken never believed that the Arapahos 
were inclined to hostile action, and made his views 
publicly known. 

The new religious movement did interfere with 
the work at St. Stephen's, although onlv temporariK'. 
When the new school year began on September 1. 
onl\' fifteen children were present at that time. Man\- 
more had been registered bv their parents, but most 
families were still attending dances or on their an- 
ntial communal hunt. However, in the course of Sep- 
tember the Arapahos retinried to their homes on the 
reservation and the mmiber of pupils increased to 
sixty-six. An Indian inspector from the Bureau of 
Indian Affairs visited St. Stephens in November and 
reported his findings to the commissioner in Wash- 
ington, D.C. By the end of October, Panken noted 
that the worst was over and that the Indians became 
less hostile. In late November the Arapahos sent a 
delegation to Panken to express their support for the 
mission and school, after which a peace coimcil was 
convened to re-affirm good relations." Apparently 
a breakthrough had been reached in the Indians atti- 
tude towards the Ghost Dance, preventing possible 
military action by the American army. The new peyote 
relisiion trained a following among the Northern 
Arapahos soon after, but due to its peaceful nature 
and rituals in private seclusion, drew relatively little 
attention from whites in those early days.'"' 

However, all was not well at St. Stephens. The 
fate of the Indian children deteriorated in the course 
of the new school year. The women from Lander 
lacked the motivation and qtialifications rec]uired for 

successful teaching and counselling, and the children 
thus learned little imder their guidance. Iheir sala- 
ries drained the mission's already strained resotirces." 
The meals pupils received were still often inadeqtiate, 
the children were poorl\' dressed, and periodic epi- 
demics occtirred. Medical care was poor and the 
agency physician had more work on his hands dur- 
ing epidemics than he could handle. Because the fed- 
eral government was still not paying the education 
grant in full and on time, Panken could not pro\ ide 
better material care for the Indian pupils. Christmas 
passed without the usual presents for the children, 
usually provided by charitable organizations from the 
East. The number of pupils dwindled to twentv-nine. 
In the course of |antiar\' 1 8^) 1 , the mission and school 
ran otit of money. Food stores had been virtually de- 
pleted, and new shipments of goods could not come 
through because of hea\T snows. Panken again pleaded 
with the mission bureau to send the necessars' funds, 
this tune showing his growing impatience and des- 
peration b\' ending his reqtiest with a curt "Please see 
to it."'' 

Fhe Arapaho parents were concerned about this 
deteriorating state of affairs and on Januar\' l^h I 891 , 
wrote a letter to the Bureau of Catholic Indian Mis- 
sions. Iheir most urgent request was that the chil- 
dren at the school were provided with sufficient cloth- 
mg and decent meals. Thev also complained that the 
Father Superior freqtientK' turned awa\' parents who 
came to visit their children, after ha\'ing travelled 
twent\--five or thirt\' miles to see them. Fhe letter 
bore fifty-one signatures, with that of Black Coal at 
the top of the list. William Shakespeare, the mission's 

'" J.inies Mooney. The Ghosr-Diuice Rctigiou diiti the Sioux Oiit- 
bredk of 1890 (Washington: Fourteenth Annual Report of 
the Bure.iu ot American Ethnology, 1S'')6), passim. 
Trenholm, The Anipahos, pp. 283-84, 2')0-91; Fowler, 
Arapaho Politics, pp. 122-24. 

'' Panken to Stephan, Sept. "i, Oct. 14. Oct. 30. and Dec. 3, 
1890 (BCIM): Annual Report for 1890-1891, Wind River 
Indian Agency (NAR,A). 

'- Alfred L. Kroeber, The Arapaho {New York; Bulletin 18 of 
the American Museum of Natural Histop,-, 1902-190"), 
pp. 398-4 1 0; Moilv P. Stenberg, The Pevote Cii/t a?iiiii/g Wyo- 
ming Indians (Laramie: Universit)- of Wyoming, M.A. the- 
sis, 1945); Trenholm, The Arapahos. pp. 294-303. 

" Panken to Stephan, Oct. 14, 1890 (BCIM). 

" Bishop Burke to Stephan, Annual Report by Applicants tor 
Aid, 1890; Panken to Stephan, Jan. 30, 1891 (BCIM). 

22 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 

interpreter, drew up the letter and the signatures were 
verified by Paul Hanwav from Lander, a white man 
married to an Arapaho woman. '^ Father Stephan of 
the Mission Bureau requested additional inf-ormation 
from Hanwav who wrote back that Panken had suf- 
ficient stores of fresh food and groceries available to 
re-open the school in September 1890. However, the 
priest had sold the stores for cash and had paid the 
Indians for work with part of the loodstufts. This the 
missionarv' did with a profit because he charged the 
Indians and his own personnel much more than his 
own costs. Charles Sweeny, mission farmer at St. 
Stephens since August 1890, confirmed to Stephan 
what he regarded as the mismanagement by Panken. 
The superior had bought poor quality cows with the 
money he had received. Moreover, he had let the 
animals starve, not providing the hay they needed to 
survive on the ranaie. In all this he had disregarded 
the farmer's advice. Sweeny wrote that the Catholics 
had become the laughing stock ot the Protestants be- 
cause of the sorry state of affairs at St. Stephen's."" 

The mission bureau asked St. Stephen's superior 
for a reaction to the letter of the Arapaho parents. 
Panken reported back that the Indian children were 
properly ted and clothed, but that many parents regu- 
larl\- came to the mission also expecting to be fed 
and clothed. Occasionally this was done, but these 
handouts seemed only to increase the frequency ol 
the visits to the mission, some parents showing up 
several times each week. Some of them gambled their 
new clothes away as soon as they were back in camp. 
The mission could not afford to continue the hand- 
outs and had begun turning Arapaho visitors away. 
Moreover, St. Stephen's had not received any of the 
government aid it was entitled to between July 1890 
and February 1891, and that it was impossible to con- 
tinue under such circumstances. A bit later incum- 
bent President Theodore Roosevelt, member of a 
prominent American family with Dutch roots, ex- 
pressed his opinion of the Arapahos in strong terms 
by denouncing them as lazy and wild robbers.' 

It took until February 1891 for the Bureau of 
Indian Altairs to confirm the education grant lor St. 
Stephen's. However, it was only for lorty-five pupils, 
much less than the children actually in attendance 
and reported on by the U.S. Indian inspector. Stephan 

approached the secretary of the interior with an ur- 
gent request to reverse this unjust decision ol Com- 
missioner Morgan, but this was of no avail. It soon 
transpired that the Wind River Indian Agent John 
Fosher had tried to delay signing the required vouch- 
ers as long as possible. Whereas the agent gave all 
support to the government school under superinten- 
dent lohn Roberts, he obstructed the Catholic estab- 
lishment at St. Stephen's. However, the Indian agent 
was instructed by his Washington superiors to en- 
force school attendance ol Indian children, irrespec- 
tive of the school's denomination. In March, Panken 
still had not received any money Irom the govern- 
ment, and the extremely harsh winter held up food 
and clothing shipments, and caused cows and horses 
to die. A cattle herd ol two thousand of the mission's 
neighbor perished. Dissatisfied with working condi- 
tions and outstanding pay, the teachers Irom Lander 
quit their jobs. Panken was also unable to pay the 
salary ol the mission larmer. Sweeny also left and 
Panken had to send the Indian girls and younger 
boys home. This resulted in letters Irom the Wind 
River Indian Agent Fosher to the mission bureau and 
the commissioner ol Indian affairs. By that time 
Panken had fallen ill, possibly partly due to the stress 
he had been working under. ''"* The mission finally 
began receiving small instalments of the government 
grant by the spring of 1891 and Father Superior was 
able to put the administrative side of the finances of 

" The Arapaho People to the Cathohc Bureau, Jan. 29, 1891 
(BCIM); Henr)', 74, writes that the Indian parents also com- 
plained about harsh and corporal punishment, but no such 
complaint is in their letter. Paul Hanwav was one ot an increas- 
ing number of white men who married Arapaho women, and 
who sent their mixed-blood children to the government and 
mission schools. 

"' Hanway to Stephan, April 14, 1891; Sweeny to Stephan, May 
8, 1891 (BCIM). 

'' Panken to Stephan, Feb. 17, 1891: Stephan to Hanway, Feb. 6, 
1891; Stephan to Burke, Feb. 7, 1891 (BCIM); William T. 
Hagan, Theodore Roosevelt and Six Friends of the Indian (Norman: 
University of Oklahoma Press, 1997), p. 5. 

"* Stephan to Panken, Feb. 11, 1891; Panken to Stephan, March 
3, 1891; Fosher to Commissioner ot Indian Affairs, March 13, 
1891; Stephan to Panken, March 24, 1891; Stephan to Panken, 
March 27, 1891; Panken to Stephan, April 8, 1891 (BCIM); 
Annual Report for 1890-1891, Wind River Indian Agency 
(NARA); Henry, pp. 27-29, 37, 39, 49; Hofferer, pp. 40-49; 
Ponziglioni (1890), pp. 386-88. 

Annals ofWyoniing:TheWvoming History Journal --Spring 2005 23 

the mission in order and pa\' the longest outstanding 
debts. However, the ad\'erse conditions seemed in- 
surmountable: the opposition from local and t'edera] 
officials, the lack of qualified teachers, the harsh win- 
ters draining already strained resources. For the du- 
ration of Panken's stay, St. Stephen remained on the 
verge ot bankruptcy. Although Panken kept up ef- 
forts to secure teachers and funds, the Bureau of 
Catholic Indian Missions could do little, and the su- 
perior was offlcialk informed that he was on his own. 
The difficulties with the school contract, friction with 
the Indian agent, the letter of complaints of the 
Arapaho parents, and the virtual closure of the school 
in the spring of 1891, necessitated a new approach. 
For strategic reasons this included a new superior. 

Pankens renewed efforts to secure sisters as teach- 
ers had been to no avail, and Father Stephan contin- 
ued the effort. Some monev was forthcoming from 
the government, but it was too little too late. In 
March, the mission had to feeci dozens of Arapaho 
parents who had been star\'in<i because of their 2;ov- 
ernment rations, given out in |anuarv, were used up, 
and the severe weather conditions prevented himt- 
ing. In June 1891, Panken was informed that the 
mission bureau had run out of monev and was again 
imable to assist St. Stephen's. However, the Father 
Superior refused to give up hope and enlisted the aid 
of Bishop Burke and Sister Katherine Drexell to have 
the school's contract renewed for the vear 1891-1 892. 
More monev from the t;overnment s^rant was received 
that month, but it was too little to pay off all of the 
debts incurred. In the summer of 1891, Pankens 
health deteriorated rapidly. The Bureau of Catholic 
Indian Missions and Panken's St. Louis superior de- 
cided to recall St. Stephen's Superiitr, and sent him 
to the Jesuit facility at Florissant to recuperate, just 
before he left it became known that the government 
grant would be delayed again.'" 

At several earlier occasions Father Frieden had 
pointed out to the Bureau of (Catholic Indian Mis- 
sions that the Missouri Province had onl\' accepted 
temporary responsibility for St. Stephens Indian mis- 
sion in 1886. Faced with continual difficulties at the 
mission in Wyoming, he now resolved to sever the 
ties with the establishment. He sent a formal and fi- 
nal notice to the Mission Bureau in Washington that 

the Missouri Piinince would terminate its responsi- 
bilit\' when the school closed for the summer. The 
bmeau thereupon was able to persuade the Rocky 
Mountain Jesuit Province, of which Father Cataldo 
was in charge, to step in and take over.""' 

The decision of the Bureau of Catholic Indian 
Missions to continue support for St. Stephen's In- 
dian Industrial Boarding School was based on the 
strong view of Bishop Burke of the Diocese of Chey- 
enne that "no tribe of Indians ever were better dis- 
posed towards the chinch than the one among whom 
the mission is located. Nothing but mismanagement 
can mar complete success in the future, " showing an 
underestimation of the financial, practical, and cul- 
tural problems involved.^' Father A.M. Folchi (A the 
California Province succeeded Panken, recei\ing as- 
sistance from the Sisters of Saint Joseph. However, 
the mission did little better under him or his succes- 
sor Father Philip Turnell who estimated that at least 
r\vel\'e thousand dollars were reqmred to put the es- 
tablishment on a firm financial footing. The comple- 
tion of a separate dormitory for the bo\'s in 1892 
improved their living conditions at the boarding 
school. The Sisters of Saint Joseph left and their place 
was taken up b\' the Sisters t)f Saint Francis.*' 

New dark clouds were gathering in the distance 
above the mission. Public and political criticism of 
federal funding of Indian education by missionary 
societies fathered momentum in the late 1 880s when 
it transpired that C^atholic Indian schools were the 
principal beneficiaries. Panken experienced the first 
effects of such dexelopments. In response, Commis- 

"'' Srephan to Burke, March 31, lcS')l; Panken to Stephan, April 
13. 1891; Stephan to Panken, Max 9, 1841; Panken to Stephan, 
lune S, 1891; Chapelle to Panken, June 6, 1891; Panken to 
Stephan. Jnne 22, 1891; Chapelle to Panken, June 29, 1891; 
Panken to Stephan, July 7, 1891; Chapelle to Panken, Aug. 25, 
1891 (BCIM). After recuperation, Panken returned to his par- 
ish in St. Louis. He died on March 20, 1906 at the lesuit com- 
munity in Florissant {.S>, Lou'n Globe, March 2S, 1906); 
Ponzighoni (1891). 

^" Frieden to Burke, March 4, 1889; Frieden to Stephan, April 26, 
1891; Frieden to Stephan, April IG, 1891; Lusk to Ftieden, 
April 30, 1890 (MJA); Lusk to Frieden, April 30, 1891; Lusk 
to Van Gorp, April 30, 1891 (BCIM). 

^' Diocesan Secretary Nugent to Stephan, Annual Report by Ap- 
plicants for Aid, 1890 (BCIM). 

■•" "One Hundred Years Ago and Moving Forward: St. Stephen's 
Arapaho Mission," Wind River Rendezvous 2215 (1992). 

24 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 

sioner of Indian Affairs Thomas J. Morgan, a staunch 
anti-CathoHc, announced in 1892 that from 1895 
the federal government would phase out funding to 
denominational schools bv cutting grants each year 
bv nvenn' percent so that by 1900 all material sup- 
port lor mission schools would be terminated. A non- 
denominational public school system would take its 
place, and was being developed through the federal 
day and boarding schools. While the Protestant mis- 
sionary societies were assured that Protestant educa- 
tion was secured at government schools because su- 
perintendents and teaching stall were predominantly 
Protestant, the Catholic Church saw the future of 
Catholic Indian education threatened, and rallied to 
secure their luture. Letters were sent out by the Mis- 
sion Bureau to the mission superiors urging them to 
take appropriate measures to make their establish- 
ments as much self-supporting as possible. Panken 
had been among the first to take the signs of the 
times to heart and improved the larm and herd. How- 
ever, in order lor St. Stephen's to survive, the mis- 
sion would need to obtain increasing material sup- 
port from the Bureau ol Catholic Indian Missions 
and the Catholic community.'*' 

The early historv of the Jesuit mission to the 
Arapahos exemplifies insufficient commitment bv the 
Jesuit Order because neither a permanent or ad- 
equately qualified staff nor sulficient operating funds 
were provided. However, the dilficulties of operat- 
ing a remote mission among Indians who were skep- 
tical of the white man s beliefs and culture also should 
nor be underestimated. Moreover, government regu- 
lations and policy at the reservation level also exacer- 
bated an already difficult situation and sometimes 
required drastic action, including closure of school 
and mission, even as a means of putting pressure on 
federal and church authorities and eventually secur- 
ing federal financial support. Moreover, the Jesuit 
Order was also working in a variety ol fields, all re- 
quiring money that was not always readily available, 
and Irequently difficult decisions had to be made 
about which endeavors received the available funds. 
Eventually the Jesuit Order realized that a stronger 
financial commitment was required to maintain St. 
Stephen's, and in the early 1890s the mission and 
school gradually received a more secure financial foot- 

ing. With the arrival of the Sisters of Saint Francis 
from Philadelphia in 1892 a permanent and quali- 
fied teaching stalf became available. Father Feusi was 
appointed as superior in 1894 and remained until 
1901, putting much ellort into improving relations 
between the mission school and the Arapahos. The 
Catholic establishment of St. Stephen's for the first 
time in its history seemed to come out of its state of 
virtual permanent crisis, and seemed to root more 

Aloysius van der Velden at St. Stephen's, 1902-1904 

Successlully laying the loundations for a mission 
never meant that all major problems were solved. 
New problems arose, created by federal government 
policy, state politicians and local Indian agents, atti- 
tudes and expectations ol Indians and local whites, 
financial constraints, climate and weather, character 
and competence of missionaries, teaching stall and 
civil servants, etc. However, under Superior Feusi's 
leadership the funding of the school became more 
secure, the buildings and fields improved significantly, 
the number ol pupils increased substantially, and a 
number of adult Arapahos accepted baptism.'*'' 
However, the position of the school changed 
markedly in 1900 when the federal government 
terminated its contracts with all mission schools. As 
many more Indian pupils were registered at Catholic 
mission schools than at Protestant mission schools, 
the former were much harder hit by this measure.'" 
The government continued with its policy that 
favored public school education for Indian children. 
A ruling by Commissioner ol Indian Affairs Daniel 
M. Browning in 1896 stated that mission schools 
could not register Indian pupils as long as government 
schools still had vacant places, and that Indian pupils 

•" Baulness to Panken, May 2, 1890 (MJA); cf. Francis Paul 
Prucha, S.J., The Chirches and the Indian Schools, 1888-1912 
(Lincoln; University of Nebraska Press, 1979); Prucha, "Tho- 
mas Jefferson Morgan, 1889-1993," R.M. Kvasnicka and H.J. 
Viola, eds., The Commissioners of Indian Affairs (Lincoln: Uni- 
versity of Nebraska Press, 1979), pp. 193-204; David H. 
Dejong, Promises of the Past: a History of Indian Education 
(Golden: North American Press, 1993), pp. 71-85. 

■•^ Hofferer, St. Stephen's Mission, p. 46. 

*'' The figures for 1902 are: 3.367 Indian pupils in Catholic 
mission schools, and 2.583 pupils in Protestant mission schools 
(Hagan, 164). 

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming Hislory Journal-- Spring 2005 25 

could be taken away from mission scliools and used 
to fill such vacant places. This essentially abolished 
the freedom of" Indian parents to choose the school 
for their children. From ]^)()() St. Stephens mission 
school increasingly had to relv on financial support 
from the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions which 
was primarily funded by charitable donations, 
including those from the Society for the Preservation 
oi the Faith among Indian Children that was explicitly 
founded tor that ptu'pose. 

All non-governmental Indian boarding schools 
faced a new threat to their existence when 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs Jones targeted the 
mission schools specificalK' and implemented his 
policy of reducing rations to encotirage Indians to 
become more self-sufficient. In f^)!)! , he announced 
that food and clothing rations would no longer be 
available for pupils at such schools. Father Ketcham 
who headed the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions 
at that time immediatcK' took action against the 
government measures. Archbishop John Ireland of 
St. Paul was received at the White House bv Theodore 
Roosevelt and gained the presidential guarantee that 
Indian parents could freelv choose to which school 
to send their children, abolishing the Browning ruling. 
However, it took Father Ketcham several vears to 
fight withdrawal oi the rations from all mission 
schools, a measure repealed by Congress in early 1 ^O^. 
Another success for Ketcham and the Mission Bu- 
reau was the restoration of ttiition pa\'ments to a 
nimiber oi large mission schools. However, these 
payments were no longer taken from the annual 
federal appropriations bv the government but from 
tribal trust ftmds, and were thus conditional upon a 
tribal reqtiest for such a measure. This rec]uired that 
missionaries who stiper\'ised schools had to become 
increasingly sensitive to the expectations and 
ambitions of Indian parents."' 

In the winter of 1*^)02, the bishop of Helena, 
Montana, appointed Father Aloysius Van der Velden 
of Pendleton, Oregon, as the new Superior of St. 
Stephen's. This Dutch Jesuit alreadv had a 
distinguished career behind him. In 1848 his cradle 
stood in the city of Eindhoxen, in the eastern part of 
the province of North-Brabant, the Netherlands. After 
studying theology he was ordained in Maastricht in 

1881, and four years later crossed the Atlantic to accept 
an assignment to St. Labres Mission among the 
Northern Chevennes of Montana, fulfilling a long 
cherished dream to become an Indian missionary.' 
For twelve years he labored among them, mostly 
tmder difficult circumstances. Subsequently, he was 
stationed at the Coeur dAlene Indian mission in 
northern Idaho, but for health reasons was recalled, 
recuperating in Pendleton. It was agreed that his ser- 
vices at St. Stephens were required for an interim 
period, so a permanent replacement could be secured 
bv the Jesuit Superior who was then in Europe 
recruiting novices. Van der Velden was the favourite 
candidate not only because of his twelve vears of 
experience w ith the C^dievennes in Montana, hut also 
because of his administrati\e and financial skills. It 
pro\'ed to be a good choice. ''^ 

The new Father Superior arrived at St. Stephen's 
in earh' 1902, and found the Arapahos much easier 
to handle than the Northern Chevennes or any other 
tribe he was acquainted with. However, this related 
onl\' to daily affairs, as it became soon obvious to 
him that the Indians were hardly interested in 
C^hristianitv as a substitute for their tribal religion. A 
ntimber of them had become nominalh' Christian, 
but in addition to attending mass on Sunda\'s and 
sending their children to the mission boarding school, 
they continued to participate in their Native religious 
ceremonies, sometimes even as ritual leaders such as 
^elknv Calf, Scarface, and Buffalo Fat. Ihe new- 
teachings of the missionaries were interpreted from a 
Native perspective and integrated into their religious 
life. By adopting Christianity on their own terms, 
they did not need to abandon cherished beliefs, and 
were thus able to maintain spiritual integrirv' and social 
stability. Fhe religious teachings of the |esuits 
appaienth' had little impact on the school children. 

^" Prucha, T/ic' Churches, pp. ST'-^S; Hagan. Theodore Roosevelt, pp. 

' Van der Velden to Father, March 4, 1884, Archives of the 
Netherlands Province ol Jesuits (ANPJ), Nymegen. 

'^ F. \'an Hoeck, De Manke Zwartrok: een Noord-Bnibantsch Missio- 
naris Ondcr de Indianen (Leuven: VL Drukkerii-Xaveriana, 1928), 
pp. 13,135; Pieter Hovens, The Spirit and the Cross: Dutch 
Missioiutries and the North Amerieuii Indians (in preparation). 

26 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 

even after a stay oi tour to seven years."*'' 

Another problem Van der Velden had to address 
was the relation with the Indian agent, Captain H.G. 
Nickerson. Fathers Feusi and Sansone had been 
unable to establish good relations and thus 
encountered many difficulties during his 
administration. The Indians were also dissatisfied with 
the federal official, and the former enlisted the sup- 
port of Father Sansone to prevent the renewal of the 
federal official's term in office in 1902. Van der Vel- 
den knew that the Indian agent was a "Westerner and 
disliked tenderfeet. He countered this problem by 
visiting the official immediately on arrival in mid- 
winter and impressing him with washing up with cold 
water from a tin pail in the kitchen instead of the 
using the warm water and facilities in the guestroom. 
He hirther gained admiration from the Indian agent 
by telling him stories about his adventures amongst 
the Cheyennes and in the Rockies. The BIA official 
took a liking to the plucky Dutch Jesuit Father, and 
thus an eltective basis lor communication and 
cooperation was established between the local 
representatives of the church and the state. However, 
a little later Nickerson was recalled and succeeded by 
Indian Agent H.E. Wadsworth.°^° 

Soon after his arrival at St. Stephen's, Van der 
Velden was joined by French Father Couffrant and 
Brother Mutsaers, the latter also from the Netherlands 
and an erstwhile colleague at St. Labre's. Mutsaers 
took care of all household duties at the mission and 
the tarm, which relieved the superior from these time- 
consuming chores. The Pendleton parishioners 
supported their pastor's work among the Indians with 
a variety of gifts, both money and much needed goods 
such as clothing and toodstuffs. Van der Velden was 
also appointed as government postmaster, a position 
that entailed little work but which service was 
rewarded with being allowed to send the entire 
mission's mail free of charge. '^' 

In July 1902, the Bureau of Catholic Indian 
Missions inquired about the success and the prospects 
of St. Stephen's. In his reply to Father Ketcham, Van 
der Velden admitted that the adult Arapahos had not 
shown much interest in the missionary work. 
However, he did not blame the Indians but pointed 
out that none of his predecessors had learned to speak 

the tribal language fluently and use it in sermons and 
classes. If religious instruction in their native tongue 
was not given, little could be expected. He was trying 
to master some of the language but discovered that 
age had put limitations on his linguistic skills, and 
usually an interpreter was employed and sign language 
used. He pleaded to give the Arapahos a "fair trial. "^" 
This the Arapahos received with the arrival of Father 
J.B Sifton in 1905. He mastered the tribal tongue so 
expertly that he was able to preach in Arapaho. This 
significantly contributed to the number of adults that 
were baptized by him. However, the period of 
exposure to Christian teaching was a contributing 

Sometimes Indian parents attended Sunday mass 
at St. Stephen's, only partially because they were 
interested in the white man's religion, but especially 
because they wished to see their children. Many 
Arapahos frequently visited the mission to talk to the 
missionary in order to procure food and trade goods. 
However, Van der Velden had nothing to spare and 
was familiar with the Indian strategy to soften up a 
missionary with talk before successfully extracting gifts 
of various kinds. The Dutch Jesuit played the talking 
game as well as the Indians, the latter always losing 
out. One of them remarked: "This blackrobe has a 
heart of steel; we can talk as much as we want, but we 
waste all our arrows; they are deflected by his strong 
heart." Van der Velden replied "You tell the truth" 
and extended his hand, which was grasped by the 
Indian while both burst out in laughter. However, at 
several occasions the missionary had to feast the 
Indians, usually at Easter and Christmas, and Van 
der Velden was repeatedly amazed by the seemingly 
"bottomless stomachs" of the Arapahos.^"* 

■*'' Van der Velden to brothers and sisters, Arapaho Politics, Jan. 

20, 1903 (ANPJ); Van Hoeck, De Manti Zwanrok, p. 139; 

Fowler), Arapaho Politics, pp. 125-27, 136-37. 
^° Van der Velden to his brothers and sisters, August 21, 1902 

(ANPJ); Van Hoeck, 139-140; Fowler (1982), 104-107. 
"' Van der Velden to brother Piet, March 25, 1902; to brothers 

and sisters, Jan. 20, 1903 (ANPJ); Van Hoeck, 141-142. 
" Van der Velden to Ketcham, July 16, 1902 (BCIM); Van der 

Velden to his brothers and sisters, August 21, 1902 (ANPJ). 
" Hofferer, 46; Van Hoeck, 140. 
'■* Van der Velden to his brothers and sisters, August 21, 1902; 

Jan, 20, 1903 (ANPJ); Van Hoeck, 141. 

Annals of Wyoming. The Wyoming Histop/ Journal -- Spring 200: 

When Van der Veldcn had arri\cd ar St. Step- 
hens in earlv 1902, the mission had no hrmer. Most 
ot the hirm was left untended, and the prospective 
harvest would be correspondingly limited. The year 
1 903 was disastrous. A flood washed away the dam in 
the spring, releasing the water needed lor the irrigation 
of the lielcis during the hot summer months. 
Inevitably that year's crop lailed, and the mission and 
school became strapped lor funds as one had to 
purchase the bulk ol the lood needed to leed the 
pupils on the market. Farming had pro\ed to be 
difficult in central Wyoming because ol the climate, 
while the raising ol livestock yielded better results. 
However, bv being Irugal and inventive. Van der 
Velden gradually managed to put the finances ol the 
mission in order bv the end ol 1902. 

During Father Van der Veldens superintendency, 
the boarding school at St. Stephens was supervised 
first bv Father Sansone and Irom December 1903 by 
Father Feusi. Three teachers were in charge of 
academic subjects, two ol them sisters ol the Order 
of St. Francis Irom Philadelphia. From 1903 another 
sister taught music, and others were in charge of 
teaching homemaking to the Indian girls. Instruction 
took place in the classroom as well as in practice, 
when the girls assisted the sisters in cleaning the 
dormitories, kitchen and classrooms, in preparing 
food, baking bread, and cooking the daily meals for 
the stall and the pupils, in mending clothes and 
sewing new ones, and doing the laundr\'. Sister 
Columba was the matron who oversaw order and 
maintained discipline. Obedience and discipline were 
regarded as the cornerstones of civilized upbringing 
and behaviour. One of the priests acted as 
disciplinarian. Punishment usuall}' took the lorm ol 
withholding pri\'ileges, or adding extra chores to the 
regular daily tasks. Possibly, instances ol corporal 
punishment also took place. Flowever, the school 
seemed to create a positive environment as there were 
no problems with runawa\s in 1903. 

The boys were taught ranching and farming, with 
an emphasis on stock raising, including sheep and 
cattle, and dairy farming. They also received 
instruction in masonry and carpentry, and a variety 
ol other practical skills necessan.' to operate a family 
larm. Their teacher was a hired employee who 

received Iree room and board, and a monthU' salary. 
In 1902, the position was occupied bv Frank Marin 
who was paid forty dollars per month, but in 1903, 
Edward Peters replaced him because he was satisfied 
with thirtv-five dollars. Geor2:e Robinson succeeded 
him in U)04, drawing the same salarv. That was also 
the first \'car that there was a shortage of Jesuit fathers 
to take up teaching duties, necessitating the hiring of 
John Parker for thirr\' dollars per month, in addition 
to free room and board. 

The number of registered and attending pupils 
at St. Stephen's Industrial Boarding School increased 
significantl}' during Van der Veldens superintendency 
of the mission. During good years in the 1890s their 
number averaged around seventy, but gradually 
registration and attendance rose to 1 1 5 in 190-4. II 
one assumes that the mission truthlulK' filled out the 
quarterh' reports lor 

Table: Indian pupils at St. Peter's Industrial Boarding 





















The Commissioner of Indian Alfairs, attendance 
seems not to have been a great problem. Occasionally 
a registered child did not turn up at all for the whole 
quarter. A few onlv attended a short time but 
terminated their attendance because of their own or 
their parents' volition, or because of illness. Illness 
probabh' also explains the mild absenteeism that is 
registered. The practice of children being absent 
during the spring and fall htuits had \irruall\' ended 
as the hunts had declined in importance and parents 
had become used to keeping their children in school 
during the whole term. Moreover, the school could 
enlist the support of the Indian police to go after 
truant children. Indian parents could be punished 
for the truanc\' b\' withholding rations, althouiih this 

Annual Reports of Indian Missions: St. Stephen's Mission, 
Wyoming (BCIM). 

2S Annals of Wyominci: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 

practice was phased out in the first decade of the 20th 
century. However, during Van der Velden's 
administration more than ninet\- percent of the pupils 
were in class, in workshops or the fields on all regular 

In 1 904 the Arapahos and Shoshones of the Wind 
River Indian Reservation faced a forced land cession, 
stronglv supported by Theodore Roosevelt who 
wished to assist white settlers in obtaining more lands 
in Wyoming. The tribes lost more than half of their 
reservation at that occasion.^ In the spring Van der 
Velden fell seriously ill again and was recalled, to be 
succeeded by Father John Sifton."*^ In 1908, the 
Arapahos ceded ownership of the land on which the 
mission complex stood to the Jesuits, and three \'ears 
later expressed their satisfaction with the education 
of their children at St. Stephens by agreeing to partial 
tribal funding. 


St. Stephens Mission survived its first two decades 
despite the fact that it was beset by a multitude of 
problems: inadequate funding, frequent changes in 
provincial administration and local superiors, lack of 
qualified missionaries, opposition from Wind River 
Indian agents, from some elements from the mostly 
Protestant local population, and from federal Indian 
Bureau in Washington D.C. Historian Joseph Henry 
aptly defined the pragmatic attitude of the Jesuit 
missionaries at St. Stephens mission during the first 
two decades, an attitude stemming from the 
environmental constraints in which they had to earn,' 
out their missionary labor: "The policy of the 
missionaries was to accept what they could not easily 
stop, ignore that which may have been a direct 
challenge to them, and support anything that would 
put them in a favourable light."'''' 

Regardless of the realities of life on the Indian 
reservations, the Catholic Church and its religious 
orders and missionaries had an agenda of their own. 
They regarded themselves as the bearers of the ultimate 
religious truth, the truth of God, encoded in the Bible, 
given to man for the salvation of mankind. Theirs 
was a powerful message which they delivered with 
great zeal to anyone who would or could be made to 
listen. Great effort was put into Indian missions, as 

this endeavor was financially supported by the federal 
government as a means of civilizing the Indians. 

Indians had to listen because they had witnessed 
the white mans tremendous powers and wished to 
share in them to face life's new challenges. They also 
were obliged to listen because their environment had 
completely changed, and required new strategies for 
survival for which the missions might contribute 
required knowledge and skills. Church and school 
attendance assured material support for families 
during a time when subsistence was extremely tenuous 
and poverty widespread. Finally, they were obliged 
to listen because the government which had 
conquered and defeated them explicitly required the 
tribes to abandon their traditional way of life and 
adopt the white man's ways. In this agenda 
government and missionar}' societies became allies 
in the breaking up of tribal societies. 

However, the Arapahos responded to the new 
conditions of life in an active and strategic manner. 
They soon learned to make use of the new economic 
oppornmities the missions provided, and sought to 
acquire the knowledge and skills required to maintain 
a degree of independence from the white man's 
world. They also explored the spiritual powers the 
newcomers seemed to possess, and initiallv a number 
of Arapahos converted to Catholicism, at least 
nominalK'. They continued to adhere to traditional 
beliefs and rituals, including the Sacred Flat Pip 
ceremon\' and the Sun Dance, albeit in adapted 
formats and shielding such practices from unwanted 
attention. The Shoshones on the Wind River Indian 
Reservation acted likewise when confronted with 
Episcopalian missionary work.''" 

In the course of the early twentieth century 
Arapahos became more involved with Catholicism 
when a new generation of parents emerged that had 
been educated at the St. Stephen mission school, and 

* Henr)', Catholic Missionaries, pp. 41-42, 48. 

^ Larson, History of Wyoming, p. 351; Hagan (1997), pp. 111- 

''' Van der Veiden to his brothers and sisters, April 28, 1904; 

June 8, 1904 (ANPJ); Van der Velden died on November 21, 

1925 in Portland, Oregon. 
^'' Henry, Catholic Missionaries, p. 50. 
''" Fowler, Arapaho Politics, pp. 1 25-26; Stamm, People of the Wind 

River, p. 225. 

Annals of Wyoming The WyomirgHislor,' Journal --Spring 2005 29 

wished to raise tlieir children in a simihir manner. 
The whire mans world also changed and in the 1 930s 
federal policy was significantly amended. Aboriginal 
rights received increased recognition in Franklin 
Delano Roosevelt's New Deal policy and the hidian 
Reorganization Act oi 1934. The American civil rights 
movement oi the 1960s and 1970s also deeply 
aflected Native Americans, and in the sphere of 
religion Jesuits played a leading role in recognizing 
the value ol traditional tribal philosophies and cere- 
monies, lorging positive s\'ncretism between 
Catholicism and tribal religions in belief" and ritual.''' 
Father Carl Starklolf who was teacher at and superior 
of St. Stephen's in the 1970s, lormulated the 
contemporar}' Jesuit \'ision as follows: "The Christian's 
desire to communicate Christ to mankind must not 
obscure his appreciation of the cultural differences of 
those with whom he dialogues. The Church should 
not think in terms of proselvtising missions to the 
American Indian, but rather in terms of sharing what 
is valuable and precious in each culture. Indian cul- 
ture, as exemplified ... bv the Arapaho tribe of 
Wyoming, is gifted with a high form of religion that 
renders it capable of such dialogue, given a renewal 
of tribal traditions and understanding on the part of 
Christians. . . . while the Christian ma\- wish to offer 
Christ to the Indian ..., he will do well to let the 
Indian educate him in poetr\' of religious expression, 
jo\' in creation, reverence for all things, and a 
passionate attachment to the divine.""- 

"' Paul Steinmecz, Pipe, Bible jnd Peyote aniongthe Oglala Lakota 
(Srockholm: Stockholm Studies in Comparative Religion. 
1980); William Stolzman, The Pipe and Christ: a Christian- 
Sioitx Dialogue {Pine Ridge: Red Cloud Indian School, 1 986); 
Catl F. Starklofl, "American Indian Religion and Christianit)'; 
Confrontation and Dialogue, Journal of Ecuuienical Studies 
8/2 (1971): p. 317. 

"' The assistance of the following people and institutions with 
the research is gratefully acknowledged: Mark Thiel of 
Marquette University Archives and Special Collections, 
Milwaukee, Wl; Nancy Merz and staff at the Midwest Jesuit 
Archives, St. Louis, MO; John Waide of the Pius XII 
Memorial Library of St. Louis University, St. Louis, MO; 
Sharon Kahin of the Wind River Historical Center in Dubois, 
WY; Cindy Brown at the Wyoming State Archives in 
Chevenne, WY; Mikejordingofthe Wyoming State Historical 
Societ)-; Eric Bittner at the National Archives and Records 
Center in Denver; and the staff at the American Heritage 
Center, LIniversity of Wyoming, Laramie, WY. In the 
Netherlands practical support was obtained from Eugene van 
Deutekom of the Archives of the Netherlands Province of 
Jesuits, Nijmegen; and my volunteer Jiska Herlaar. The 
material support for the research by the Netherlands Re- 
search Council (NWO) in The Hague, and United Airlines 
is greatly appreciated. Finally, my wife and archival research 
assistant Jeanne has been a constant source of support for 
many years, contributing substantially to the research in a 
variety of ways. 

30 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 

Dedication of Gray's Gables, 
May 20, 1929. Courtesy 
Ludwig-Svenson Collection 
the Amencan Hentage 
Center, University of 

Ordinarily, we look at buildings as places where events occur 
in the present and overlook what they can tell us about the 
past. By studying the history and intricacies of the design of 
a building we can learn about the people who inhabited it 
and their values. One such building is Gray's Gables in north 
eastern Laramie. Every day, people drive past this seventy- 
five year olci log structure on their way about their daily lives, and never stop to 
wonder how it got there. What is this large log building doing here, so different 
from the modern homes around it? Who built it and why.'' The fascinating story 
of Gray's Gables helps us appreciate the enduring interest of Laramie's citizens in 
recreation, for Gray's Gables is Laramie's first community recreation center. 

In the 1920s, Laramie was an important division point on the Union Pacific 
Railroad, with maintenance shops and two large engine roundhouses.' The Union 
Pacific at this time was headed by Carl R. Gray, who had become president in 
1920. He encouraged the growth of a family spirit in the Union Pacific Railroad, 
starting a company magazine for employees called Ujiioji Pacific Magazine. The 

A.J. Wolff, "The Laramie Locomotive Facilities." The Streaml'mer 18 (2004): 8-31. 

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal --Spring 20Q5 31 

magazine featured upbeat reports abotit railroad em- 
ployees and their jobs, and social and athletic events. 
Amateur athletics were popular in the 1920s, and in 
1925 the Union Pacific Athletic League was l-ormed. 
The employees organized local clubs and raised 
money ior equipment and hicilities. In 192S, there 
were twelve clubs and fifteen hundred members. By 
1930, there were fihy-rwo clubs and eighteen thou- 
sand members.' The Laramie club was one oi the 
earlier ones, founded in 1926." 

rhe members of these clubs were part ot an or- 
ganization that had accomplished one oi the greatest 
engineering feats of all time — that is, the building of" 
the trans-continental railroad. The Laramie Union 
Pacific Athletic Club members showed their innia- 
tive in carrying out an ambitious project of their own, 
the building of an extraordinary athletic facility. The 
l,aramie club flourished under UP carman George 
Bond (1869-1936), elected president of the club in 
January 1927.* The club had little in the way of 
monev or facilities and as yet no clubhouse, only 
forty-six dollars, and an unmaintained golf course 
on land leased from the railroad. But the club had a 
good basketball team, so Bond arranged for them to 
practice at the University of Wyoming gym twice a 
week, rhe team soon beat Pratt's Bookmen, a famous 
Denver team, and the LIW varsitv team. I hen in 
1927 and 1928, they won the UP unit champion- 
ship.^ Laramie LIP employees participated in a UP 
system track meet in Provo, Utah, in September 
1927," and the Laramie UP Athletic Club fielded a 
baseball team to challenge the team from Medicine 
Bow in June 1928. These earlv successes generated 
interest, and the quest for good facilities was under- 

First, the men leased a vacant motor car shop 
along the tracks in Laramie from the UP, laid eight 
thousand square feet of flooring, and converted the 
oddlv-shaped room into a g}'mnasium. They also used 
the room for Saturday evening dances, which earned 
some income for the club. Then the\' copied blue- 
prints of the rifle range at the University of Wiscon- 
sin and built a modern rifie range. They associated 
with the National Rifie Association and received free 
material for the range and free ammunition. Next 
thev borrowed monev from their members to buv 

a,vmnasumi eqinpment.' 

The club continued to grow. The members raised 
money by selling advertising space on the picket fence 
around their athletic field located at the corner of 
Pine and Grand, ' and bv taking in associate mem- 
hers from the commimit\'. When the group incorpo- 
rated under Wyoming State Law in January 11,1 928, 
they had 250 members.'" Thev renovated the golf 
course in east Laramie, built r^vo tennis courts (lo- 
cated at Seventh and Grand) and set up volleyball, 
calisthenics, boxing, and wrestling at the g\'mna- 
sium." Bv spring 1928, the members anticipated a 
clubhouse, a large bore rifle range, archer}' courts, 
croquet lawns, and a playground for children. 

William Isberg, a local pioneer, donated the club- 
house site,'"^ a foLU'-acre plot north of the golf course, 
several miles from the center of Laramie. 1 he prop- 
ert)' was situated beside a small limestone ridge and 
faced south to an ephemeral stream that meandered 
across the rustic Union Pacific golf course. To the 
north was open prairie. Isberg, who operated a dair\' 
northeast of the golf course and clubhouse site, even- 
tually became the first caretaker." The club purchased 
an additional eighty acres adjoining for five dollars 
per acre.' ' The clubhouse, which cost under nine- 

= Maury Klein, Union Pacific, the Rebirth 189-4-1969 ( New 
York:'Doubleday, 1989). 

' George Bond, "The Inspiring Story ot a Union Pacific Athletic 
Club;' Ihnoii Pacific Magazine (KpxW 1929): 10-12. 

■* "Bond Funeral will he held tomorrow." Lanimic Repubbcan- 
Boonierang September 11, 193(i, p. 8, col. 4. 

"" Bond, "The Inspiring Ston. '. 

'' "Railroad Notes," Laramie Daily RepubUcan-Boomerang , Au- 
gust 16, 1927, p. 7, col. 4. 

' "Railroad Notes." Laramie Daily RepubUcan-Boomerang, June 
26, 1928, p. 3, col. 3. 

' Bond, "The Inspiring Story." 

'' "U.P. Employees running active sporr program," Laramie Daily 
Republican-Boomerang. June 1, 1927, p. 5, col. 1. 

'" "Union Pacific Athletic Club - Gray's Gables." National Reg- 
ister of Historic Places Nomination Form, U.S. Department 
of the Interior, for building 78002814, entered on the regis- 
ter on 9/13/78, 9 pages. Hereaher cited as Gray's Gables." 

" "U.P. Employees running active sport program, " Laramie Daily 
Republican-Boomerang, ]unQ 1, 192^; Bond. "The Inspiring 

'- "'William Isberg, Local Pioneer, is dead at 68," Laramie Re- 
publican Boomerang December 12. 1947, p. 1, col. 8. 

" "William Isberg, Local Pioneer"; Bond, "The Inspiring Story": 
"Railroad Notes. " Laramie Daily Republican-Boomerang Oc- 
tober 31, 1928, p. 8, column 3-4. 

'■* Bond, "The Inspiring Story." 

32 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 

Gray's Gables decorated for the dedication ceremony, May 1929, Courtesy the American Heritage Center, University 
of Wyoming. 

teen thousand dollars to construct,'" is of rustic de- 
sign. iMads C. Justesen, a Laramie sand, gravel, and 
concrete contractor, was hired to pour the concrete 
foundation."' The log construction was supervised 
by Johannas (Jack) Haugum (1888-1953), a UP 
carman who was born in Norway, and who worked 
in the timber industr)' when he first came to Laramie 
before he joined the railroad in 1914.' Jack Haugum 
was an accomplished big bore rifleman as well as a 
log builder.''^ Although many members participated 
in the design and building of the clubhouse, every- 
one was paid for their labor." 

The building, which measures sixty-four by 
ninery-six leet, was made of Lodgepole and Ponde- 
rosa pine logs brought from the Medicine Bow Moun- 
tains.'" The logs were purchased from Neil Roach 
timber company and were brought to Laramie by 
the Laramie, North Park and Western Railroad.-' The 
building is of Swedish cope construction, in which 

the logs are cut in a concave shape and fit together 
perfoctly so as to shed water without leaking, to be 
windproof and to need no chinking.'' The window 
frames are also made of logs. Along the entire south 
front of the building is a porch, fourteen leet nine 
inches wide. The steps up lead through a decorative 
log arch. Old-fashioned globed street lights are on 
top of each side of the arch.--^ 

'" Bond, "The Inspiring Story. " 

'" R.L. Polk and Co.'s Liimmie City and Albany County Directory, 
1928-29, Vol. IX (R.L. Polk & Co., Publishers, Salt Lake City); 
"Gray's Gables. " 

' "Johannas Haugum dies at home at age of 64. " Laramie Repub- 
lican-Boomerang KpxW 27, 1953, p. 5, col. 4; "Gray's Gables." 

" "Haugum wins rifle match at Cheyenne." Laramie Republican- 
Boomerang Au^usi 19, 1946, p. 3 col. 6. 

''' Bond, "The Inspiting Story." 

■" Bond, "The Inspiring Story"; "Gray's Gables." 

''"Gray's Gables "; "Railroad Notes." Laramie Daily Republican- 
Boomerang ]\ine 26, 1928, p. 3, col. 3. 

'" George Bond, "U.P. Clubhouse Asset to City," Laramie Daily 
Republican-Boomerang Novemher 9, 1928, p. 9, cols. 1-4. 

"' "Gray's Gables." 

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -■ Spring 2005 33 

The main door into the building opens to a large 
central room, sixty-three by fifty-nine feet in size, 
with a rwenry-five foot high gabled roof No inside 
supports are needed, because a bridgevvork system of 
log beams supports the roof The beams are joined 
by iron bolts manufactured at the Union Pacific ma- 
chine shop. ' The floor is made of thick planks of 
polished maple. Smaller rooms at the east and west 
ends of the building are approached through wide 
log arches, lo the west were three rooms: a locked 
ecjuipmcnt room, a wide central loiuige with an im- 
pressive brick fireplace, and a ladies" restroom. (The 
lounge is now used as a stage, and the restroom has 
been moved downstairs to make space for a 
coatroom.) At the east end are a kitchen and a soda 
fountain. This end also has an ample brick fireplace. 
The kitchen (since remodeled) was equipped with 
large sinks, iron range, anci a dumbwaiter to the din- 
insr room in the basement.'"' Rustic log- touches arc 
found throughoiu the interior: the soda fountain 
room, now the refreshments area, has a distinctive 
chandelier made from an unusualh' shaped fodge- 
pole Pine tree found near Brooklyn Lake, and bits of 
unusually-shaped wood are used throughout, for ex- 
ample as armrests on benches.-" 

Stairs at the west and east ends lead down to the 
lower level. Phe central, maple-floored basement 
room is used as an assembly hall, dining room, and, 
formerly, as a roller rink. Hressing rooms, bath- 
rooms, and furnace and utility rooms are on the east 
end. In the west end were a caretaker's apartment 
and smoking rooms for men; the latter have since 
been incorporated into an enlarged apartment.' 

The club bought a well rig for $17"^ and used it 
to dig their own eight inch diameter, \1^ foot deep 
well, 100 feet northeast of the building.-'^ The drill 
bit came loose when the drill was still forty feet from 
the target water sand, but when finally complete the 
well water was pumped into the building tmder con- 
stant forty potmd pressure."' Subsequently the club 
rented ovn the well-rig and earned additional income. 
The sewer outflow was piped into several tank cars 
that were biu'ied at the foot of the low hill on which 
the clubhouse stands.'" Next, the road was con- 
structed. It ran north from the Lincoln Highway 
alontr what is now Ihirtieth Street, and tinned east 

to the building alono- what is now Gray's Gables Road. 
As Bond describes it, "The heavy work was done by a 
large machine, and other work by a small grader which 
had been abandoned by the State Highway depart- 
ment and which our boys at the shops were able to 
repair and ptu in good working condition. " Some 
discarded street lamps from the city of Laramie were 
put up along the approach to the new clubhouse. 
Lhe new large-bore rifle range was an exact cop\' of 
the one at Port D.A. Russell in Gheyenne, funded in 
part bv the Laramie National CSuard imit." 

1 he first event held in the new clubhouse was a 
Ghristmas party on December 28, 1928, for chil- 
dren of Union Pacific families. Six hundred vountr- 
sters were the honored guests. Santa appeared, there 
was a giant Christmas tree, the UP band performed, 
and there were a play and readings. A New Year's 
Day party for adults followed on JanuaiT 1, 1929.*' 
More Laramie residents continued to join the club, 
so that bv May 1 929, the membership was more than 
five hundred. The LtiriU)iie Rcpiihlicivi Booiiicnuig 
reported that the Laramie club was believed to have 
more members than any other on the system with 
the possible exception of Los Angeles.'' 

Preparations were underway for a grand dedica- 
tion of the clubhouse, to be named in honor of UPRR 
President Garl Cuay, who had agreed to ct>me as the 
honored guest. A disused flagpole that had stood for 
more than thirty years at the old |unior High School 
was erected at the clubhouse. "* frees and shrubs were 

"' Bond, "The Inspiring Story." 

'' Bond, "The Inspiring Story"; "Gr,iy"s Gables." 

'" 'Gr,iy Hails U.P. Family in Dedicating C'lub House," LiVdiiiic 
Daily Rcfublkait-Boomerdng May 21, 1029, p. 1 cols. 6-8, 
p. 2, cols. 4-S. 

■ Bond, "U.P. Clubhouse Asset," Laraitne Daily Republican- 
Boomerang, November 9, 1928; "Gray's Gables." 

-" Bond, "The Inspiring Story"; Registration ol "Well, 
SWSES26T16NR7.^W, undated; "Grays Gables. " 

'" "Railroad Notes," Laraniic Dailv Rfpubluan-Booini'iaiig ]une 
26, 1928, p. 3. col. .5; Bond, "The Inspiring Storv." 

"' "Gray's Gables." 

'' Bond, "The Inspiring Storv." 

'■ "Union Pacific Clubhouse Opened with Mammoth Christ- 
mas Party." Laramie Daily Repiiblicaii-Boninerang December 
24, 1928, p. 1, cols. 5-6 and p. 8 col. I. 

" "Railroad Notes," Laramie Daily Republican-Boomerang May 
9, 1929, p. 9, col. 2. 

" "U.P. Club will fly soon, " Laramie Daily Republican-Boo- 
merang May 7. 1929, p. .V col. 3. 

34 Annals o( Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal --Spring 2005 


,— d. 

Gray's Gables decorated for the dedication ceremonies, 1929. Courtesy Ludwig-Svenson Collection, the 
Amencan Hentage Center, University of Wyoming. 

planted with assistance from the forest supervisor,'^ 
and the clubhouse was decorated with American and 
Union Pacific flags, deer heads, animals and birds, 
and rustic lamps. "' President Gray arrived in Laramie 
on the evening of May 19, 1929. He was taken on 
tours of the g\'mnasium, tennis courts, rifle range, 
Gray's Gables clubhouse, and Monolith Portland 
Midwest's new plant. Dinner was served at the club- 
house at 6:30 pm for the officials. The women ac- 
companying the guests on the official visit were taken 
on a scenic trip through Telephone Canyon and had 
dinner at the Connor Hotel. '^ The formal dedica- 
tion took place at 8:00 pm, and more than five hun- 
dred UP Athletic club members and their fimilies 
and guests were invited. Boy Scouts met the visitors 
at the door. Gray spoke on the "Railroad Family": 
"we dedicate this building to the living, pulsating heart 
of the Union Pacific family, so well built, so expres- 
sive, and so happily finished," he said. UWs Presi- 
dent A.G. Crane also spoke, as did a number of UP 

officials and employees, cir\' officials and business- 
men. Neal's Syncopators provided music for the dance 
afterwards.''^ In an editorial dated May 20, 1929, 
the Laramie Republican Boomerang lauded the dedi- 
cation of the clubhouse and recognized the impor- 
tant contributions the UP and the Athletic Club made 
to the well-being of Laramie.'' 

In 1929, the Union Pacific employed 892 people 
in Laramie. Together with their dependents, they 

''^ "Union Pacific President Here to Open Ciub House,." Laramie 
Daily Republican-Boomerang May 20, 1929, p. 1 cols. 6-8 
and p. 2 cols. 4-5. 

^^ "Gray Hails U.P Family in Dedicating Club House," Laramie 
Daily Republican-Boomerang, May 21, 1929, p. 1 cols. 6-8, p. 
2, cols. 4-5. 

^' "Union Pacific President Here to Open Club House," Laramie 
Daily Republican-Boomerangs May 20, 1929, p. 1 cols. 6-8 
and p. 2 cols. 4-5. 

^* "Gray Hails U.P. Family," Laramie Daily Republican-Boomer- 
ang, May 21, 1929, p.l, cols. 6-8 and p. 2 cols. 4-5. 

''' "Gray's Gables," Laramie Daily Republican-Boomerang May 20, 
1929, p. 2, cols. 1-3. 

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journai-- Spring 2005 35 

numbered 2,734.^" From the start, the goal of the 
UP Athletic Club was to provide a place where its 
members could go to develop phvsicallv in an alco- 
hol-hee atmosphere, and where other L'P organiza- 
tions, such as the C~)ld- Timers C^lub, could meet.'' 
Although Gray's Gables was btnlt priniariK' as a facil- 
ity for UP employees, the club grew to become a 
Laramie institution that served the entire commu- 
nitv. Every Saturday nicrht, a dance was held with a 
small admission tee. University fraternities also rented 
the facilities for dances.''^ 

The "railroad family" that Gray fostered began 
to suffer after 1930. The depression, unemplox'ment, 
changing technolog\', and a world economic crisis 
took their toll. In 1937, Cira\' retired and the athletic 
clubs lost their greatest champion. " Cheyenne gradu- 
ally supplanted Laramie as a center for locomotive 
maintenance.^* By 1949 Gray's Gables was up for 

The Quadra I^angle Square Dance Club was 
founded in 1944 in Laramie.'"' At first it held its 
dances in the West Laramie Community Hall. In 
1949, its active membership was two hundred, and 
there was a large waiting list of prospective members. 
Fhe club had just acqtiired land north of Laramie as 
a site for a clubhouse when Grays Gables went up 
for sale. The dance club instead decided to purchase 
the athletic club's property. "' Thev forwarded five 
hundred dollars as e\'idence of their intention to pur- 
chase. In a meeting on April S, 19-49, the L'nion Pa- 
cific Athletic Club agreed to prepare an option to 
purchase tor twenty thousand dollars. ' The Quadra 
Dangle Society scrambled for funds. In an undated 
letter to a Mrs. Tyvold, the club president, Harry 
Davis, explained that the Union Pacific Athletic Club 
had just spent four thousand dollars on repairs to the 
building and a new roof. He explained that the Union 
Pacific Athletic Club valued their property at sevenry- 
five thousand dollars and had a cash offer of thirt\'- 
tive thousand dollars from anothei [\u't\'. Neverthe- 
less the Quadra Dangle received the option to pur- 
chase because they would prohibit "drinking and row- 
dyism, " whereas other interested parties wanted to 

use the clubhotise 

as a niclitcluh and har. 


though the Union Pacific Athletic Club was almost 
defunct, they still believed in promoting clean recre- 

ation. In the e\ent, Mrs. T\'\'old did not loan the 
mone\-, and instead Cdnarles and Madge Coolican put 
up ten thousand dollars loaned for ten years at five 
percent interest with the remainder raised from small 
loans from members to be repaid within twenty years 
at two percent interest.'' The propert\' was trans- 
ferred from the Union Pacific Athletic Club to the 
Quadra Dangle Societ\' on |une 4, 1949.^" The sale 
included the building, ftirniture, and fixtures, eightv- 
four acres of land, and the lease of the land used as 
the golf course." I he Quadra Dangle Society cel- 
ebrated the paying off of all their mortgage and prom- 
issory notes on March 4, 19S5, when 250 members 
watched the mortgage burn."' 

The Quadra Dangle Socierv inherited three slot 
machines, which cost two hundred dollars a year to 
license.^' Lhe\' also assumed a lease of the trap shoot- 
ing range to the Moose Lodge. ^' Members set about 
refurbishing the property. They placed new tables in 

' "Gr.n- Hails V.V. F.iniil)'," Lininiie Daily Repiibliciin-BnoDier- 
diig. May 21, 192^), p. 1 cols. 6-8 and p. 2 cols. 4-5. 

' "Old Timers ot U.P. Plan Parrv." Ldnnnie Daily Republtcau- 
Boonierang Mav 31, 192'), p. 8, col. 1. 

' "Gray's Gables." 

' Klein, Union Pacific, the Rebirth. 

' WolfF, "The Laramie Locomotive Facilities." 

' Articles of Incorporation ot Quadra Dangle Societ)' of Laramie, 
Wyoming, notarized December 50. 1948; "Square Dance 
Group buys Grays Gables," Laramie Republican-Boomerang lune 
6, 1949, p. 1, cols. 4-6. 

'"Square Dance Group Buys Grays Gables," Laramie Republi- 
can-Boomerang, June 6, 1949, p. 1, cols. 4-6. 
Hubbard, D. (Donald). Letter to Harry Davis. Undated. 
Quadra Dangle Society Scrapbooks, Laramie, hereafter cites as 
"Scrapbooks"; Option to purchase, signed by Russell R. Davis, 
President, and attested by Donald Hubbard, Secretary, 
U.PAthlctic Club, dated May 11, 1949. 

' Davis, Harrv R., and Rav L. Jackson. Letter to Mrs. l\'\old. 
Undated. Quadra Dangle Society Scrapbooks, Laramie. 

' Mortgage Deed dated June 4, 1949. record ot filing on June 8, 
1949, and associated letter describing terms of repayment. 
"Scrapbooks," Laramie; Promissor)' Note tor 550 issued !K\\- 
gust 11, 1949, by the Qu.idra D.ingle Socier)- to Lorine and 
Leonard Scott. Qu.tdra Dangle Society- Scrapbooks, Laramie. 

' Warranty Deed dated June 4. 1949 and filed June 8, 1949, in 
Albany County, Wyoming. 
Davis, Harry R.. and R.iy L. Jackson. Letter to Mrs. T)'\'old. 

- "A Clubhouse All Our Own." Sets in Order (July 1955): 10. 

' Hubbard, D. (Donald). Letter to Harry Davis. June 14, 1949. 

' Hubbard, D. (Donald). Letter to Earl Smith. June 14, 1949. 

36 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History' Journal --Spring 2005 

the dining room, hung new curtains in the dining 
room and kitchen, painted the kitchen, and fitted 
new electric ranges. A speaker system was installed in 
the dance hall, and the trap shooting facilities were 
reconditioned^^ . Later the club added an entrance 
directly to the basement, and log entryways to the 
side and front entrances. In the 1950s, the shooting 
facilities were leased to the Prong Horn Pistol and 
Rifle Club. The Quadra Dangle had trouble collect- 
ing their rental mone\' Irom the Prong Horn Club. 
A letter dated June 26, 1953, notes that payments 
were overdue, and another on Auo;ust 6, 1958, di- 
rects that the rifle club must abandon use ol the facil- 
itv^". Finally in June 1960, a judgment filecJ in Dis- 
trict Court ruled that the lease was terminated.^ In 
1965, the societ}' lost any remaining interest in the 
golf course, as on November 1, 1965, the Union Pa- 
cific Railroad donated the land on which the golf 
course was located to the Universit)' of Wyoming. ^^ 

The Quadra Dangle Society was very successful 
in their main mission, the promotion of square danc- 
ing. The president at the time the clubhouse was pur- 
chased, Harn' Davis, was active as a caller through 
the 1950s into the 1960s. A Junior Square Dance 
Club for junior and senior high school students was 
active from 1950 to 1980.'" In 1955 there were 250 
Junior Square Dance Club members.''" In 1957,250 
square dancers attended an eighth anniversary dance. 
The Small Fry Club was composed of about three 
hundred children in third to sixth grade.''' The club 
still holds regular square dances twice a month and a 
family dance once a month. ''^ 

Although a popular club, the Quadra Dangle 
Societ}' has found the chibhouse expensive to main- 
tain. Road crews blasting rock to extend Grays Gables 
Road to Indian Hills caused damage to the building 
in January 1977. One large rock ripped through the 
roof, penetrated the main dance floor, and fell into 
the basement. Many smaller rocks made additional 
holes in the roof. Bricks were loosened in the chim- 
ney, and all the windows were broken. The estimated 
cost of repair was S8,769."' All the electrical wiring 
was replaced in 1980 for $14,528, funded by the 
club and a historic presei\ation grant.'" The roof 
was replaced and the building painted in 1983-84, 
the $18,600 cost of which was split between the club 

and federal funds. '''' In April 2003, the club took out 
a mortgage for $40,390.50 to finance a remodeling 
of the caretaker apartment.*^''' In 1986, the club esti- 
mated that they had lost on average $2800 a year for 
the past seventeen years.'' These losses were recog- 
nized years earlier as well. On September 17, 1964, 
the club extended an option to purchase eighty of its 
eighty-four acres to Progressive Builders, Inc. for the 
price of $ 1 2 1 ,000.''** The land sold was developed as 
Alta Vista in seven additions from 1965 to 1978 and 
as Alta Vista Heights in 1983 and 1988."" In addi- 
tion, the society obtained tax-exempt status from the 
Albany County Commissioners on July 20, 1987, so 
that the}' no longer owed property tax. 

' "Quadra Dangle Square Dancing Club Members Beautifying 
Gray's Gables." Newspaper clipping dared bv hand October 27, 
1949. Scrapbooks." 

' Jackson, jean M. Letter to Prong Horn Rifle Club. June 26, 
1953. "Scrapbooks"; Williams, S.R., and Jean M. Jackson, Let- 
ter to Pronghorn Pistol and Rifle Club. August 6, 1958. "Scrap- 

Quadra-Dangle Societ)' of Laramie, Wyoming, a corporation, 
versus the Prong Horn Pistol & Rrfle Club, June 10, 1960, Al- 
bany Counry Real Estate Office. 

' Deed number 51.^452 fded November 1, 1965. held in Albany 
County Real Estate Office Book 151, 104-106. 

' Mary Kay Mason, Laramie — Gem City of the Plains (Dallas: 
Curtis Media Corporation, 1987). 

' "A Clubhouse All Our Own." 
"Eighth Anniversar)' Square Dance." Laramie Republican Boo- 
memng]une 23, 1957. 

■ Mason, Laramie — Gem Citjr, Quadra Dangle Dance Schedule, 

' Rankin, Myrna L. Memo filed with Gray's Gables nomination 
for historic landmark status in SHPO office, Cheyenne. Febru- 
ary 15, 1977; District Court, Second Judicial District, Civil Ac- 
tion no. 18003, ot Quadra Dangle Society, plaintiff vs. Yeoman 
Construction Company, Plaintiff's Answers to Interrogatories 
filed and notarized on Januan,- 22, 1980. 

' Final Report, NPS 56-1 1845, ot a project to replace the electri- 
cal system of Gray's Gables to be complete by 12/31/80. State 
Historic Preservation Office, Cheyenne. 

■ Final Report, SHPO-State of Wyoming, of a project to replace 
the roof of Gray's Gables, dated 8/23/84. State Historic Preser- 
vation Office, Cheyenne. 

' Mortgage Deed dated April 30, 2003, document number 3398 

in Albany Count)- Real Esrate Office. 

Sexton, Robert. Letter to Albany Count)' Commissioners. 1986. 

Albany Counry Assessors Office, Laramie. 
' Option to purchase real property, dated Sept. 17, 1964, at 

Laramie, Wyoming. 
' Alta Vista Addition. Maps. Albany Counr)' Real Estate Office. 

Laramie, 2004. 

A-i:iai5 3'"'/'/vominq The Vv'voniinq Hisjor/ Journal --Spring 2005 

Gray's Gables was enrolled in the National Reg- 
ister ol Historic Places on September 13, 1^)78. " 
The club proposed the nomination as part ot the fil- 
tieth anniversary celebrations ot the ckibhouse. They 
also held an open house on Ma\' 1 3. 1 '■)7'-), from two 
to lour pm to commemorate the building's fifty-vear 
use as a community center. Union Pacific Athletic 
Ckib members were invited, as were Old Fimers' Club 
members. Quadra Dangle members, and members 
ot" the Albany Count\' Historical Society Speakers 
talked about the goli course, the sale ot the clubhouse 
in ]'-)49, and the original dedication. ' 

1 his building was karamie's original recreation 
center. Today, sevent\'-five \'ears alter Cn-a\''s Gables 
was built, Laramie has constrticted a new recreation 
center. The new center is a civic initiative, hmded 
mainly by taxpayers following a ballot initiative. It is 
lar larger than Grays Gables (63,000 as opposed to 
1 2,S()0 square feet) and more expensive ($ 1 0,7^^2,600 
instead ol less than $19,000). khe style is urban and 
modern with abundant glass and steel, compared to 
rustic and domestic with handmade wooden decora- 

tions and a broad fi'ont porch. Some ol the diller- 
ences reflect a change in the pace ot lite: people to- 
day need a place to exercise efficiently whether in the 
swimming pools, the weight room, or on the gvm- 
nasitmi floor, then to sln)wer and change in modern 
locker rooms. When Ciray's Gables was built there 
was as much emphasis on opportunities to socialize 
as to exercise, on recreation in the original sense ot 
retreshing renewal. I his is wh\- Gray's Gables includes 
dance flt)oi's, assembly rooms, lounges, and ct)mmu- 
nal kitchens btu onk' modest dressing rooms. Im- 
portant similarities still remain: then as now, the citi- 
zens ot karamie invested their time and passion to 
ha\'e a place tor health\' social acti\'it\'. And the omis- 
sion ot a dance floor trom the new recreation center 
ensures that Ciray's Gables will remain important to 
the tuture ot the ccMiimunity. On May 16, 200-4, the 
crowds conyerged on Cira\''s enables once more to 
celebrate the seyenty-fitth anniversary ot its open- 

" J.L. Wilson, ,ind Mark Junge. Letter to Quadra D.mgle 
Societ)', October 18, 1978. "Scrapbooks. " 

' "Quadra Dangle Club Open House to Honor Those In- 
volved in SO-year Ckibhouse History," Laramie Rcptiblicaii- 
Boonwraiig Maw l')79. 

38 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 


Significant Recent Books 
on Western and 

Edited by . 

CariHaiiberg Wyoming History 

Montana Justice: Power, Punishment, & The Peni- 
tentiary. By Keith Edgerton. Seattle: University of Wash- 
ington Press, 2004. 200 pages. Illustrations, notes, bib- 
liography, index. Paper, $22.50. 

Each western state that joined the Union had 
to deal with issues of crime and punishment 
and the eventual construction of a state peni- 
tentiary. There are many similarities in the construc- 
tion and management ol the western penitentiaries, 
but each is unique because ol how citizens in each 
state saw themselves and still see themselves. Keith 
Edgerton's book looks at Montana's journey to "law 
and order." 

The book begins with Montana's pre-territorial 
days when vigilantism was a common and sometimes 
embarrassing activirv' occurring in the rough, early 
mining towns. Even though many citizens did not 
like the idea of vigilantism, there seemed to be tew 
other choices. When Montana became a territory in 
1864, the federal government sent a governor and 
three judges to bring order to the vast expanse of 
territory. "The general political turmoil and acrimony 
they initially encountered was at a fever pitch, due 
mainly to the rapid influx of both northerners and 
southerners into the mining districts. The prevailing 
culture of vigilance and the pusillanimit}' of the local 
juries were of immediate and special concern," states 
Edgerton. I he new territorial government quickly 
began looking for help from the federal government 
to construct a penitentiary for Montana. The early 
politicians saw the penitentiary as a way to bring jus- 
tice to their land but also "as a means to raise revenue 
and offset the costs of incarceration to a frugal terri- 
tory. " 

Construction of the territorial prison near Deer 

Lodge, Montana, began in the spring of 1870. It 
was "completed" by October 1870, even though the 
prison was missing some key features, and it sat un- 
used for six months. "Even after its inauguration in 
July 1871, the completed penitentiary was but a shell 
and a little better than a warehouse," comments 
Edgerton. When the first inmates arrived, the brand 
new penitentiary had "only 13 six -by-eight foot 
cells on the bottom floor of the contemplated three 
stories; not enough money remained to complete 
the remainino; 28 cells on the other two stories." 
The territorial prison had no offices, guards, or 
warden's quarters, no kitchen or outhouses, no hos- 
pital, and most significantly, no industries for the 
employment of the inmates. According to Edgerton, 
the Montana penitentiary progressed little over the 

As soon as the penitentiary officially opened its 
doors, it was overcrowded and it remained so into 
Montana's statehood. This steady increase in prison 
population came not just because Montana was 
growing. The average monthly inmate census esca- 
lated from 19 per month in 1871 to 163 by state- 
hood in 1889. This as an 850 percent gain in prison 
population, while the general population in Mon- 
tana increased roughly 600 percent. In 1880 and 
1890, Montana's prison population was more than 
double the national average. Edgerton investigates 
the unique mindset of the majority of Montana citi- 
zens that caused this interesting statistic. 

The fourth chapter describes the tenure of War- 
den Frank Conley. Conley was initially employed 
at the territorial penitentiary as a guard. Once Mon- 
tana became a state, Conley, along with Thomas 
McTague, ran the prison under a contracted lease 
agreement with the state. After the state took over 

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal --Spring 2005 39 

the management of the prison, Conley became the 
warden in 1908. He remained the warden until 1921, 
when his corruption finally became fully known. This 
is my favorite chapter because the complete control 
Conley had over the penitentiary and even Montana 
politics was just amazing. 

Edgerton concludes the book with brief overview 
of the Montana penitentiary from 1921 (after War- 
den Conley) to the present day and according to 
Edgerton, very little has changed. I found Edgertons 
book very educational and entertaining. It is useful 
to compare Montanan penological philosophies and 
history with Wyoming's because such a comparison 
will give us an insight to the people who have lived 
and are living in this part of the West. 

Tina Hill 

\Xyoming Frontier Prison 

Rawlins, Vtyoming 

Yellowstone: The Creation and Selling of an Ameri- 
can Landscape, 1870-1903. By Chris J. Magoc. Albu- 
querque: University of New Mexico Press and Helena: 
Montana Historical Society Press, 1999. 

Environmental historv has become verv popu 
lar in recent years; and Yellowstone Park is a 
favorite topic of environmental historians, 
perhaps because, as America's first national park, it 
has the greatest available doctmientation. Chris Magoc 
has put a slightly different spin on the topic by con- 
centrating on the perception of the park as a com- 
modity for market consumption. 

Initially conceived by its proponents as a kind of 
remote spa accessible (and properly so) only to a lei- 
sured elite of cultivated tastes and refmed sensibili- 
ties, the park was set aside by a consortium of scien- 
tists, politicians, and railroad magnates who believed 
that, by placing the area under government protec- 
tion, they could avoid the "mistakes " that had turned 
the popular Niagara Falls into a crass commercial re- 
sort offensive to late nineteenth century romantic 
tastes. Development of comfortable lodging facili- 
ties by local entrepreneurs was discouraged; and the 
Yellowstone experience for its first decade was almost 
exclusively composed of wagon travel and camp life. 

This ideal changed dramatically in 1883, when 
the Northern Pacific Railroad completed its line to 
the borders of Yellowstone Park and created its sub- 
sidiary the Yellowstone Park Improvement Company, 
rhe railroad began an aggressive campaign to lure 
tourists into the region, which it dubbed Wonder- 
land, in conscious imitation of the Lewis Carroll fan- 
tasy. The railroad now insisted on the necessity for 
grand hotels and other development within the park, 
but the development was to be strictlv controlled, 
for the good of the nation, b\' the Park Improve- 
ment Companv. Such control, of course, would lead 
to immense profits for the Northern Pacific Railroad. 
Not everyone who supported the park, however, was 
concerned with profit for the railroad. Politicians like 
Senator George Graham Vest and scientists like Doc- 
tor George Bird Grinnell once more raised the alarm 
flag of crass commercialism, rallied public indigna- 
tion against private monopolies, and stunted the 
Northern Pacific's attempt to dominate the park. Yet, 
although the Northern Pacific would not ha\e exchi- 
sive rights of development within Yellowstone's bor- 
der, its vision of the park as a playground for large 
numbers of spirit-wearied Americans would prevail 
for the next century. 

In subsequent chapters, Magoc details the reduc- 
tion of the park experience to a series of easily-viewed 
clearly-defiined highlights. By this method, time- 
pressed tourists could be certain of having "done" the 
park b}' following a checklist of worthwhile attrac- 
tions. These attractions were set apart from the sur- 
rounding scenery by the invention of appropriate 
romantic nomenclature: Old Faithful, Liberty Cap, 
Minerva Terrace, Mammoth Fiot Springs. Road de- 
velopment within the park encouraged the stagecoach 
traveler to follow a loop leading from one curiosity 
to another. When the loop was completed, the trav- 
eler could return to the railroad, secure in the knowl- 
edge that the park had been well and properly viewed. 
Certain "noble" animals were designated as attrac- 
tions as well, roving rather than stationary, which 
might be encountered at any time. Indians, however, 
were forbidden to enter the park. Their hunting prac- 
tices, which often included firing of the land, were 
considered detrimental to the experience. Magoc re- 
sists the temptation to insist on the parallels between 

40 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 

the commodificarion of- Yellowstone and the devel- 
opment oi later theme parks, but the alert reader can 
scarcely miss the point. 

In the 1970s, among environmentalists and park 
administrators, a new vision began to emerge of 
Yellowstone as an ecosystem and as a laboratory for 
experimentation in the proper management of na- 
ture. Business interests and large segments oi the public 
have yet to tall in line with this new vision. Never- 
theless, it seems likely that Yellowstone is ultimately 
headed for another massive change in public percep- 
tion. It is particularly timely at this moment to stop 
and look back at the changes it has already weath- 

D.C. Thompson 
University ofVCyoming 

Rodeo Time in Sheridan, Wyo.: A History of the 
Sheridan-Wyo-Rodeo. By Tom Ringley. Greybull: Prong- 
hom Press, 2004. Illustrations. 376 pages. Paper. $23.95. 

tory, but the community of Sheridan, as well. The 
account not only tells the rodeo story but the story 
ol Sheridan through those years. 

As a researcher of rodeo history I found the book 
an excellent read. I would have liked more stories 
about cowboy competitors, early day stock contrac- 
tors (before Cervi), rodeo clowns, trick riders, con- 
tract acts, and bullfighters. 

This book will be a must' read for people inter- 
ested in rodeo and its past and everyone interested in 
western culture and heritage. Hats off the Tom Ringley 
for a thorough compilation of historic events that 
tell the story of a part of the 7\merican west that is 
still being held today. It is evident the project was a 
'labor ol" love' for him. 

Gail Woerner 
Austin, Texas 

Most rodeo committees across the nation 
would 'give their eye teeth' to have the his 
toric information for their rodeo, that 
Tom Ringley compiled about the Sheridan-Wyo- 
Rodeo. Unfortunately most communities did not 
keep records such as were available to the author, nor 
do most active participants involved in rodeo com- 
mittees devote the time and research that Ringley 
put forth to document their rodeo history. 

The book is extremely detailed and easy to fol- 
low through the rodeo's beginning, successes, prob- 
lems and administrative decisions. Although this is 
the story oi the Sheridan-Wyo-Rodeo, many other 
rodeos throughout the country have experienced simi- 
lar problems that the Sheridan rodeo committee 
faced — lack of community, financial problems, pro- 
fessional rodeo versus allowing only area cowboys to 
compete, best dates for the event, and so on. Ringley 
included it all. 

The Appendix includes everything from the win- 
ners of each event, directors, queens and the 
Sheridanites who bought stock in the event, etc. The 
thorough coverage of this annual event since 1931 
leaves ven,' little out. Ringley not only has done his 
hometown rodeo a huge tavor by publishing this his- 

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 41 

/'i. ,-T>^ W 1 1k .-^- /i — . 


D. Claudia Thompson 

The Image of Tom Horn, page 2 

D. Claudia lliompson has been an archivist at the University of Wyoming For twenty 
years, working with primary resource materials from many periods of historv. She has 
pubHshed articles in historical journals, such as Amiiils ofW'yoi/ungand MontiUia: The 
Magaziiw ofWesteni History. She recei\'ed an M.A. in Librarianship frt)m the Lhiiversitv of 
Denver in 1978. In 1984 she moved to Laramie, Wyoming, where she is presentlv em- 
ployed as the manager ol Arrangement and Description at the American Heritage Center: 
the archives, manuscripts, and rare books repository of the University of Wyoming. 

Pieter Hovens, Ph.D. 

Moccasins and Wooden Shoes: Saint Stephen's Arapaho Indian Mission and Its Dutch 

Jesuit Superiors, page 1 2 

Pieter Hovens (19S1) studied culttu'al anthropology at Radboud Uni\crsit\' (N\'megen, The 
Netherlands) and Native North American Studies at the Universitv of British Columbia 
(Vancouver, Canada). Subsequently he was a governmental policv assistant in Gypsv affairs at 
the Department ot Welfare, Health, and Culture in The Hague. When the National Museum 
of Ethnolog}^ in Leiden established a separate North American Department in 1991, he was 
appointed curator. Hovens has authored and edited several books on Gvpsies and North 
American Indians, published a series of articles and book reviews on these subjects, and has 
ser\'ed in various editorial capacities with the American Indian Quarterlv (Houston), Euro- 
pean Review of Native American Studies (Vienna and Frankfurt), and Yumtzilob (Leiden). 
He is currently working on rwo catalogues of the North American Indian collections in the 
Netherlands, and a series of publications on the historv of Indian-Dutch relations in North 
America. He can be reached at: National Museum of Ethnology, P.O. Box 212, 2.i()() AE 
Leiden, The Netherlands; e-mail: 

Charles W. Nye 

Gray's Gable: Laramie's First Recreation Center, page .^0 

Charles W. Nye, a 9th grader at Laramie High School, grew up just a few blocks from 
Gray's Gables in northeastern Laramie. He enjoys histon', and wrote this article as part of 
his Eagle Scout project that celebrated the ^ith anniversary of Grays Gables Athletic Club 
by replicating the original dedication ceremony. 

42 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 


Armstrong, EC. 16 

Black Coal 13-14, 17-19, 21 

Bond, George 31, 33 

Browning, Daniel M 24 

Burns, Robert H. 8-9 

Carlson, Chip 10-11 

Carradine, David 10 

Chandler, Jon 1 1 

Cheyenne Frontier Days 6 

Cheyenne Leader 3, 6 

Cheyenne, Wyoming 2-3 

Coble, John 2-3 

Coe, Charles 6 

Cook, David J. 4 

Coolican, Charles and Madge 35 

Coolidge, Sherman 14 

Crane, A.G. 34 

Davis, Harry 35-36 

Denver Post 4, 7 

DeSmet, Pierre-Jean 13, 17 

Drexell, Katherine 15, 23 

Durand, Earl 7 

Edgerton, Keith, Montana Justice: Power, 

Punishment & the Penitentiary, reviewed 

Ehtete, \\'\oming 13-14 
Folchi, A.M. 23 ' 
Foley, Vincent 10 
Fort Laramie Treaty ol 1851 12-13 
Fosher, John 22 
Goldman, William 10 
Gray Carl R. 30, 33-35 
"Gray's Gables: Laramies First Recreation 

Center," by Charles W. Nye 30-37 
Hanway, Paul 22 
Haugum, Johannas 32 
Hill, Tina, reviewer of Montana Justice: 

Power. Punishment dr the Penitentiary H- 

Horn, Tom, 2-12 (photo 5) 
Hovens, Pieter, author 13-29 (bio 41) 
Johnson Counry Invasion 3-4, 7 
Justesen, Mads C. 32 
"The Image ofTom Horn," by D. Claudia 

Thompson 2-11 
Isberg, William 31 
Jutz, John 14-15, 19 
Kennedy T Blake 8-9 
Krakel, Dean 9 
Kuppens, Francis X. 15-18 
Laramie Boomerang 3-5, 33-34 
Laramie, Wyoming 30-37 
LeFors, Joe 10-11 
Magoc, Chris J., Yellowstone: The Creation 

and Selling of an American Landscape, 
1870-1903, reviewed 39-40 

Martin, S.R. 19 
McQueen, Steve 10 

"Moccasins and Wooden Shoes: Saint 

Stephen's Arapaho Indian Mission and 

Its Dutch Jesuit Superiors, " by Pieter 

Hovens 13-29 

Monaghan,Jay 8 
Montana Justice: Poiver, Punishment & the 

Penitentiary, by Keith Edgerton, reviewed 

Morgan, Thomas J. 24 
Moriarity, D.W. 14 
Mullins, Richard R. 7 
Nickell, Kels 2, 8 
Nickell, Willie 2 
Nickerson, H.G. 26 
Northern Arapahos 12-29 
Nye, Charles W, authot 30-37 (bio 41) 
Panken, Ignatius 17-23 
Ponziglioni, Paul 15, 19 
Prong Horn Pistol and Rifle Club 36 
Pty Polly 4 

Quadra Dangle Square Dance Club 35-37 
Raine, William McLeod 6, 8 
Rawlins Daily Times 9 
Ringley, Tom, Rodeo Time in Sheridan. 

Wyo.: A History of the Sheridan-Wyo-Rodeo, 

reviewed 40 
Roberts, John 14, 22 
Roberts, Phil 11 
Robinson, George 27 
Rocky Mountain News 4 
Rodeo Time in Sheridan, Wyo. : A History of 

the Sheridan-Wyo-Rodeo, by Tom Ringley, 

reviewed 40 
Saint Michael's Mission 14 
Saint Stephen's Arapaho Indian Mission 

Scollan, Cornelius 20 
Shakespeare, William 16, 21 
Sharp Nose 13-14, 21 
Sieber, Al 3 
Sifton, J.B. 26, 28 
Siringo, Charles 3-4 
Slack, E.A. 4 
Starkloff, Carl 29 
Sweeny, Charles 22 
Thompson, D. Claudia, author 2-11; 
reviewer of Yellowstone: The Creation and 

Selling of an American Landscape, 1870- 

1903 59-40 (bio 41) 
Thompson, John Charles 6, 8 
Turnell, Philip 23 
Tyson, Ray 7 

Union Pacific Athletic League 31, 34-35 
Union Pacific Railroad 30-37 

Van der Velden, Aloysius 25-27 

Wadsworth, H.E. 26 

Warren, Gabriel 14 

White House 13 

Wiard, William 10 

Willard, George 16-17 

Wind River Indian Reservation 12-29 

Woerner, Gail, reviewer of Rodeo Time in 
Sheridan, Wyo. : A History of the Sheridan- 
Wyo-Rodeo 40 

Wyoming State Tribune 8 

Wyoming Stock Growers Association 2-3 

Yellowstone: The Creation and Selling of an 
American Landscape, 1870-1903, by 
Chris J. Magoc, reviewed 39-40 

2006 Wyoming Historical Calendar 

Produced bv the WxomiiT' State Historical Society and the American Heritaiie (Center. 


— <»a.<iSa 

FRON I COVER. IXinl- 1'.iuI1l\ p.iimcd a scene ot the huildiiig ot the first telephone hne in XWonimg. The hrst 
Ime was mstalled in IS.SI on the North Platte River connecting the Frewen Ranch with a store 20 miles a\\a\'. 
This painting is part ot the Wyoming State Historical Societ}"s state centennial project, which elepieted man\- 
scenes from Wvomings past. C'ourresv' Y('\'oniing State 1 listorical Society C'olleciion. 


geyser in Yellowstone 
» . , . ,. .-'..iiii.. ■'. X.. .«.. National Park IS called 

' The Sponge, because 
the cone is spongc-hke 
in hue. Mr. Meiideisuii, 
a kirmet superintendent 
oi the park, is standing 
with Mrs. A\en Nelson 
and daughtei during the 
A\'en Nelson expedition 
to the park in US'-JO. 
'^^ Nelson was a botanist at 

^_ ' the Uniyersit\- ot 

-■»- ■*— ^ \X'\'oming. Grace 
Ra\ mond Hehard 
C olleetion. C ourtes\ the 
.AmeriLan Heritage 
C enter, I 'ni\ ersit\' ot 
. -.^^*flj^'. ^Ev,3tf, - NXyommg. 

To order the calendar contact Judy West at 307-635-4881 or jwest@wyoming.coni 


44 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Spring 2005 




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We Sell Out Again! 

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photographs from Wyoming's rich history. 

The book is only $40.00 and is available through 
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Wyoming Picture 

.».#3»^T» »>, -«•'— >O.V5;~r*-i»' .qjl 

The Thomas Fiver crosses the frozen Medicine Bow River oursicie Laramie in 
March 1908 during the New York to Paris Race. The torturous New York to Paris 
Race route covered three continents and more than 22,000 miles. The American 
car, Thomas Flyer, ran the course in 169 days and ultimately won the race. The 
feat has never been equaled. The car still holds the world record nearl\' 100 \'ears 


Tom Ht 

His Cil 


Mysterious Missoi 
Message Makes 
der's Mai 

S Of 


The Wyoming History Journal 

Vol. 77, No. 3 
Summer 2005 

R £ C E I V £ D 
SEP 2 8 2005 ! 



"Jackson Lake Dam" 

American Heritage Center, 
University of Wyoming 

Jackson Lake Dam, constructed during the early 1900s, provided water to Idaho 
farmers. Hugh Lovin, in his article "Jackson Hole Water Resources, Federal 
Reclamationists, and Idaho Irrigationists," explores the controversy which arose in 
Wyoming over the use of the water. 

Information for Contributors: 

The editor of Annals ofWyoming welcomes manuscripts and photographs on every aspect of the history ot Wyoming and the 
West. Appropriate for submission are unpublished, research-based articles which provide new information or which offer 
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considered for use in the "Wyoming Memories" section. Historic photo essays for possible publication in "Wyoming Memories" 
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or to the editor by e-mail at the following address: rewig^ 


Jiuucils oj 



1 he Wyoming Hist(ir\' Journal 
Summer :0(IS Vol. '^~ , No. 3 

Elwood Mead, Arid Land Cession, 
and the Creation of the Wyoming 
System of Water Rights 

Daniel Davis 

Jackson Hole Water Resources, 
Federal Reclamationists, and Idaho 

Huiih Lenin 

Tom Horn's Accusers 
D. Claudia Ihompson 

Book Reviews 

Edited bv Carl HallberE^ 

, iH! '( / J •> li ■ r ») _r , 


Contributors Biographies 


Wyoming Picture 
Inside back cover 

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Craphic Design: X'icki Schuster 

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Summer 2005 

Elwood Mead, 
Arid Land 


and the 


of the 


System of 

Water Rights 

Elwood Mead, who served as Wyoming's first state engineer. Courtesy 
Wyoming State Archives. 

Those acquainted with Wyoming history know that Elwood Mead was Wyoming's 
first territorial engineer and the father of the "Wyoming System" of water rights. 

This system has been widely praised as a progressive model and all the Western states, in one form or another, 
have copied it.' Even today, Wyoming's water laws are based on the toimdation Mead built during his time in 
the state from 1888 to 1899. Meads system has promoted irrigation development and limited expensive 
litigation tor farmers and ranchers. Although Wyoming has less agriculture than its neighboring states of 
Colorado and Nebraska, this is a result of a short growing season and limited markets and not a flawed legal 
system. There is more, however, to the story. For Mead, the Wyoming system was supposed to be the opening 
shot in a war on, what he considered to be, misguided federal land laws. 

Mead pointed out that federal land laws were ill-suited to the arid West. He believed they were a nuisance 
to existing ranchers and did not promote the development of irrigated farming. Mead advocated the idea that 
the federal government needed to cede its arid public land (land that today is administered by the U.S. Forest 
Service and the Bureau of Land Management) to the individual Western states. If this happened, then private 
irrigation companies, with the cooperation and encouragement of the state, could build irrigation works 

T.A. Larson, History ofWyoming, Second Edition Revised (Lincoln: University of Nebrasl;a Press, 1978), p. 254. Also Robert G. Dunbar, 
"The Adaptability of Water Law to the Aridity oi i\\e West," Journal of the West 24 (Januaty 1985): 62; and Mark Squillace, 'A Critical Look 
at Wyoming Water Law," Land and Water Law Review 24 (1989): 308-09. 

without federal involvement. The Wvoming system 
would be the start of" a movement to reform both 
state water law and federal land laws. For Mead, the 
Wyoming system was not onl\' a better wa\' to ad- 
minister water rights, but also the key to transferring 
ownership of federal land to the state. 

This is surprising for several reasons. Mead had a 
long and distinguished career as an irrigation engi- 
neer. Eventualh' he became the first commissioner of 
the Bureau of Reclamation and a strong advocate of 
federal reclamation. In addition, the Wvoming sys- 
tem and arid land cession have traditionally been con- 
sidered separate issues. Mead ma\' ha\'e dabbled in 
writing land bills for Wvoming's fnst two senators, 
Francis E. Warren and Joseph M. Carey, but this 
seemed secondar}' to his main objecti\'e of creating a 
new water rights svstem. The issue of federal land 
polic\', ho\ve\'er, rears its head o\'er and o\er again. 
In the mind of the t\pical nineteenth centiu\' W\'o- 
mingite, arid land cession was more important than 
the technicalities of who administered the use of wa- 
ter. For example, the newspapers from 1 88'-l are filled 
with speculation and debate about arid land cession 
and new land bills. Land policv was a highh' charged, 
partisan affair, but Mead's changes in state water law- 
were lightly covered. At the time, the Wyoming sys- 
tem was a footnote to the main question whether 
millions of acres of federal land would be transferred 
to the state. 

Arid land cession was so important because it held 
out the promise to expand and stabilize an econom\- 
which had seen its fair share of troubles. When Mead 
accepted the job of territorial engineer in 1888, the 
largest industr\- in the state, cattle ranching, was in 
the middle of a painful transition from the boom 
days of the open-range cattle industt}' to a more stable, 
but less profitable, closed-range system with winter 
feedine;, irrie;ated fields, and selective breeding!. Ranch- 
ers were in a rush to patent land along streams and 
irrigate fields h'ing adjacent to these streams for win- 
ter feed. This kind of farming required a relatively 
small amount of monev and problems with other 
irrigators on the same stream could tisualK- be worked 
out over a cup of coffee. In fact, bv 1890, irrigation 
was practiced on nearly all of the small streams (out- 
side of the Wind River Reservation anci Yellowstone 

National Park) in Wvoming. Even todav, all across 
Wvoming one can still find ranches with small irri- 
gated fields pro\iding winter feed and the surround- 
ing hills pro\iding stimmer forage. 

For farming on a large scale that grew crops such 
as corn, wheat, barley, potatoes, and beets, irrigation 
was a much more complicated matter. Most of Wyo- 
ming has a short growing season. Forage crops can 
still be grown, but for cash crops one had not onK* to 
find readih' accessible water, htit also land that was 
low enough in elevation that iMay and September 
frosts would not ruin a years worth of work — in other 
words, land under fne thousand feet. Finding the 
mone\' necessar\' to construct bigger canals to trans- 
port water awa\' from a stream or out of a big ri\er 
was difficult in the cash poor econom\' of nineteenth 
centurv Wvoming. It is fair to sa\' that what little 
mone\' there was for in\'estment in Western irriga- 
tion was better spent on projects in California or Colo- 

1 he wa\' state water laws and federal land laws 
were set up was not helpful either. These laws did not 
offer securit\' for the in\'estment. In order for the 
building of big irrigation canals to be economicallv 
profitable, large areas of land needed to be irrigated. 
The federal land laws then in place did not allow one 
companv or individual to buv large tracts of land. 
This gave no securit\' against which a companv or 
indi\idual could raise monew In addition, once a ca- 
nal company began construction, speculators could 
file upon the best tracts and demand higher prices 
from bonafide settlers. Getting a secure water right 
was also problematic. In W\'oming before 1 S^O, a 
few earlv irrigators could hold up the entire stream 
with extravagant claims to water and the only way to 
quantify' a water right was through the expense of 
proving a claim in court. 

This is not to sa\', howe\'er, that large-scale irriga- 
tion was a failure ever\"svhere in the West. ^X^^ere natu- 
ral conditions provided that irrigation could be prac- 
ticed with little expense, or where there was a ready 
demand for produce (such as Colorado and Califor- 
nia), or when farm prices were higher (such as for 

Wyoming's average elevation is 6.~00 feet. Larson, Hiitorf of 
Wyoming, p. 1. 

-; .Annals of 'vVvominq: The Wvominq Hision; Journal - Summer 2005 

wheat in the 1880s), irrigated fitrming could expand 
and even make a decent profit. The problem was 
that by 1890 individual initiative had gone about as 
tar as it was going to go. If the backbone ol the Ameri- 
can republic was its strong yeoman farmers, however, 
than what did the fijture hold for a state based on 
mining, the Union Pacific Railroad, and ranching? 
Millions of acres of potential farmland could still be 
irrisated if enough water and monev coulci be found. 
Available water was scarce in some places, but in 
Wvoming the big rivers were virtually untouched, and 
in places where water was dear, reservoirs could be 

Although the amount of irrigated land would 
greatly increase in the twentieth century, it would 
not be an easy process. Looking back from our cur- 
rent perspective, we see that this expansion of large- 
scale irrigation required man\' things. It required 
monev, finding available water, and getting legal title 
to land and water.' It also required a high level of 
cooperation among the participants, centralized regu- 
lation, and professional expertise. For example, in 
Utah and sotithern Idaho irrigation was successful 
because the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints 
provided a degree of cooperation and centralized ad- 
ministration. In the twentieth centur\' the expansion 
of irrigation was greatly aided through the vast re- 
sources and engineering expertise of the Bureau of 
Reclamation. Obviously, if irrigation was to expand 
in states like Wyoming, it would need much help 
from the government. Only the government could 
pool together the necessan,' money, provide the co- 
operative framework that was so lacking in the West, 
clear up the legal mess of water rights, and provide 
centralized administration."* 

The cultural baggage of the nineteenth centtiry 
Westerner, however, hindered that effort. Most West- 
erners were deeply suspicious of government. Terri- 
torial status restricted the power of government at a 
local level, but even when territories became states, 
their governments were still weak, and moreover. 
Westerners wanted it that way. Westerners did not 
want government making crucial decisions about who 
would receive natural resources and who would not. 
Furthermore, the purpose of government was viewed 
as providing a level economic playing field, not in- 

terfering with the economy. The typical white Ameri- 
can who settled in the West saw the move as his or 
her chance to make it big. It was a widely held as- 
sumption among nineteenth centur\' Americans that 
it was their "natural right" from God to pursue wealth 
however he or she mav choose and if government 
(federal, state, or local) was interfering with this right, 
then that government was violating his or her God- 
given rights.^ Mead wrote: 

The idea of public control which would operate was 
not readily accepted. In fact, it was generally objected 
to. This mental attitude was due to the fact that these 
early irrigators had built their ditches and diverted 
water without having to ask the consent of anyone. 
They had taken and used streams just as they used the 
grass on the public range, and they fought control of 
the stream just as the\' fought all leasing laws for gov- 
erning the range. They looked on their water right as 
they did on a homestead filing, and they thought the 
claim which they had recorded gave them a title to 
the amount of water stated in the claim, just as their 
homestead filing gave them a title to 160 acres of 
land. Thev looked on the stream as they did the air, as 
something to be enjoyed without any limitation from 
a public authorit}'.'' 

The typical assumptions of the boosters and pio- 
neers of that time period were not, of course, so nega- 
tive. The expansion of profitable irrigation seemed 
painfully just out of reach and the culprit for this 
lack of expansion increasingly became the federal 

Gordon Morris B.ikken, The Development of Law on the Rocky 
Mountain Frontier (Westporr, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 
1983). p. 6. 

Donald J. Pisani, To Reclaim a Divided West: Water, Law and 
Public Policy, 18-t8-1902 (Albuquerque: New Mexico Press, 
1992), pp. 39,47-50. Also William Lilley and Lewis Gould, 
"The Western Irrigation Movement: A Reappraisal," in The 
American West: A Reorientation. Vol. 32 of the Universir)' of 
Wyoming Publications, edited by Gene Gressley (Laramie: 
University of Wyoming Publications, 1966), p. 58. 
Pisani, To Reclaim a Divided West, see introduction. 
"Recollections of Irrigation Legislation." A letter Mead wrote 
to Grace Raymond Hebard on March 27, 1930. Grace 
Raymond Hebard Collection, American Heritage Center, 
Universir)' of Wyoming, hereafter cited as "Recollections of 
Irrigation Legislation." Also see Daniel M. Davis, "Elwood 
Mead and Water Rights in Wyoming" (masters thesis, Uni- 
versity of Wyoming, 1997), pp. 26-27. 

government. Wvomingites were predisposed to see the 
lack oi" economic crrowth in Wvomin" as a result ot 
federal policies such as the tax-tree land ot the Union 
Pacific, federal land laws, territorial stattis, and the 
uncertain limits of" lederal water ritrhts. As it turned 
out, the hiring ot" Mead would reinlorce this anti- 
federal stance. Mead would give a professional voice 
to this general malcontent and he hocused attention 
on tederal land cession as a solution to these prob- 
lems. Before 1888, however, there was still hope that 
with a little tweaking, the big rivers could easilv be 
harvested. The first "tweak" was to hire Mead as 
Wvomin2;'s first territorial engineer 

Mead came to W\'oming in 1 888 hv wa\' ol Colo- 
rado. His background imiqueh' suited him h)r his 
new job anti in hict he was the only person seriotisK' 
considered as a candidate. Mead was raised in Indi- 
ana and Irom his hither he acqtiired a lo\e ol books 
and Kiiming. He maintained these interests through 
college and graduated hom Pinxlue Uni\'ersit\' in 
1882 with an emphasis in mathematics and agricul- 
ture. He then moved to Fort Collins, Colorado, where 
he was an instructor ol matliematics and ph\'sics at 
the C]olorado Acriculttu'al Collesie (now Colorado 

State Universit)'). Mead became interested in the prob- 
lems ol irrigated agriculttire practiced in northern 
C^olorado and he assisted (Colorado State Engineet E.S. 
Nettleton as a part-time watershed engineer in Larimer 
Cotmty. After teaching for three semesters in Fort 
Collins, however, he left Colorado and nn)ved back 
to Indiana. Mead received a degree in ci\il engineer- 
ing from the Iowa Agriculttu'al College (now Iowa 
State Universitv) and a masters of science degree from 
Purdue. Mead studied law briefly, but moved back to 
Fort Collins in 1885 and worked as the deput\' state 
engineer. Fhat fall he was named a professor of irri- 
gated agriculttne at the C^olorado Agricultural Col- 

With these two jobs Mead gainecl a solid under- 
standing of the shortcomings of Colorado water laws 
as well as a theoretical imderstanding of the water 
laws of other countries. Even though Coloradt) had 
pioneered the development of the prior appropria- 

lanics R. Klugcr, Tii?iiiii;f on WiIUt inth ,i S/tnrc/: The Career of 
hlieooil Mead (Albuquerque: L'ni\L'rsir\' ot New Mexico Press. 
1442), pp. 12-13. 
" Unci. pp. 12- IS, 

Elwood Mead (right) in the state engineer's office, 1895, Courtesy Amencan Hentage Center, 

^.^r;:; or vVvominp: The VVyorriing Histor.' Journal -- Sumnier 2QQ5 

tion water rights system, Mead was not satisfied.'' He 
came to believe that water should be a public resource 
distributed by public officials well versed in the sci- 
ence of irrigation. Mead realized that on a stream 
from which many di\-ert water, an\' change ot use, 
change in place of use, or change in point ot diver- 
sion could affect other appropriators. According to 
Mead, the decentralized nature of water rights regu- 
lation produced waste and ineff"icienc\', while it also 
encouraged needless litigation. Through public con- 
trol, he argued, super\'ision and planning ol irriga- 
tion ditches could be exercised belore the construc- 
tion of irrigation ditches to eliminate waste. For ex- 
ample, in (xilorado many small ditches were built 
on a stream where one woidd have been sufficient. 
Mead felt that rather than determine water rights 
through expensive litigation, the state governments 
should determine water rights as a public ser\'ice be- 
lore trouble occurred. 

Mead also believed in public control of water to 
protect the small farmer. He was dedicated to the 
ideal ol the family farm. As a boy in Indiana, he saw 
the loss of community spirit when himily-owned 
hums fell into the hands of speculators who, in turn, 
rented them out to tenant farmers. Mead never for- 
got this lesson and he held a disdain for the specula- 
tor throughout his life."' In Colorado he was involved 
in a controversy benveen corporate canal companies 
and the hirmers who irrigated fiom the companies' 
ditches. Under Colorado's water laws, these compa- 
nies could actually claim ownership of water because 
they had built the ditch. These companies, in turn, 
charged a high fee for the right to use water as well as 
annual operational and maintenance fees. The htrm- 
ers claimed that the prices they paid for the water was 
too high and they sought to have legislation mandat- 
ing limits on the cost charged for water. Mead was 
concerned that water should not become a commod- 
it\' owned by corporations and he came out in sup- 
port of the farmers. He believed that the water should 
be owned by the state and that the rights to use the 
water should be attached to the land irrigated. Mead 
also argued that the farmers who used the water and 
who owned the land should also own the canal. Mead's 
outspoken defense of the farmer gained him recog- 
nition as an expert on irrigation. He caught the no- 

tice of Wyoming's leading irrigation engineer J.A. 
Johnston and influential politician Francis E. War- 
ren. Johnston suggested to Warren that Mead would 
be an excellent candidate for the new position of ter- 
ritorial engineer that they proposed to the 1888 leg- 
islature. As it turned out, the same day the territorial 
engineer's bill passed. Mead was confirmed as the ap- 
pointee for the job." 

The fact that Wyoming created a territorial 
engineer's position in 1888 was probably due to the 
concern that the federal government was hindering 
the expansion of agriculture. The leading industry in 
Wyoming was cattle, but overgrazing, overproduc- 
tion, and the harsh winter of 1886-1887 had deci- 
mated cattle herds and dealt the young territon,' a 
severe blow. Not only had it hastened the trend to- 
wards a closed-range system with irrigated pastureland 
and winter feed, it also cast doubt on the future of 
cattle ranching as Wyoming's number one industry. 
Cattlemen had mixed feelings towards increased settle- 
ment in Wyoming. A few ranchers actively promoted 
farming where it did not seem to directly conflict 
with ranching, but others deliberately downplayed 
the possibilities of Wyoming agriculture. There is also 
evidence that they were opposed to the hiring of a 

territorial engineer. 

The form of prior appropriation as it was practiced in Colo- 
rado had sexeral key features. Ever)' user on a stream was 
awarded a date of appropriation by the state (a date that a 
claim was made that water was put to a beneficial use). Ben- 
eficial use was defined as being agricultural, domestic, or 
industrial. The claim was for a quantitative amount of water 
usually measured in cubic teet per second. If the appropria- 
tion dated from the time that work began on the construc- 
tion of an irrigation canal rather than at the time the water 
was actually applied to the land, then "due diligence" had 
to be shown toward the completion of the canal. An appro- 
priation, however, could eventually be lost through non- 
use. The doctrine of prior appropriation assumes that ap- 
propriations are awarded by the states and not by the fed- 
eral government. Sax, Abrams, Thompson, Legal Control of 
Water Resources (St. Paul; West Publishing Company, 1991), 
pp. 324-27; Pisani, To Reclaim a Divided West, pp. 208-14; 
and Robert G. Dunbar, Forging New Rights in Western Wa- 
ters (Lincoln: Universit)' of Nebraska Press, 1983), pp. 88- 

Pisani, To Reclaim a Divided West, p. 234; also Kluger, Turn- 
ing on Water, p. 12. 
Kluger, Turning on Water, pp. 12-13. 
' Davis, "Elwood Mead and Water Rights," pp. 14-13. 

Reflecting this clouded hiture was a resolution 
passed in 1888 bv the territorial legislative session.'' 
It downpla\'ed ranching and proclaims, in ellect, that 
Wyoming's hiture was with irrigated farming. I lie 
key point to the resolution was that the reclamation 
of all irrigable land in Wyoming could not be ac- 
complished bv private enterprise and that federal in- 
volvement in the construction ol reservoirs and irri- 
gation ditches was needed. 11 the federal "o\ernment 
was not willing to do this, then "lands sufficient to 
aid such reclamation," should be given to Wyoming. ' ' 
The resokuion also demanded that the federal gov- 
ernment clarif\' the extent itf ptttential federal water 
rights. After arguing that "the prt)per distribution of 
the waters of Wyoming for agrictiltural and benefi- 
cial purposes is of greater importance to the people 
of this territory than any other qtiestion pertaining 
to territorial matters over which the [C]]ongress of 
the United States has control," the resokuion goes 
on to state that "there are certain principles pertain- 
ing to water rights in the arid districts that ought to 
be settled principles of law, and sIkhiIcI be determined 
by act of congress. Such laws ought to determine the 
extent and nattue of the water rights in the territo- 
ries in a way that will forever secure the greatest ben- 
efits to the greatest number in the use of the water of 
the territory."'"' Essentially, the resolution is a prod- 
uct of the common belief that the federal govern- 
ment needed to either facilitate the expansion of itri- 
gation or get out of the way and let the state govern- 
ments do it by transferring the ptiblic domain and 
all potential federal water rights to the individual 
western states. 

Mead's first priorit\' after coming to Chevenne, 
however, was to drain the quagmire of confusing and 
illogical water laws. Because of his work in Colorado, 
Mead had a good idea about what should be done 
with water rights regulation at a state level. Mead 
faced some of the same problems in Wvoming as he 
had in Colorado. While the 1888 law creating the 
territorial engineer opened the door to reform, the 
law itself did little to correct some glaring deficien- 

Wyoming formally adopted a water code in 1 87S. 
As was typical of the earliest water laws passed in the 
West, it was a compromise between riparianism and 

prior appropriation."' In 1886, Wyoming added to 
the 1 87S law hv borrowing Colorado's irrigation laws 
based upon prior appiopriation for beneficial use.' 
In sum, these laws relied upon water users to regulate 
themselves and provided no centralized administra- 
tion by an impartial agencv. In comparison with the 
1886 law, the creation of a territorial engineer who 
had "general supervision" of water rights in Wyoming 
was a bold mow*. The 1888 law declared all unap- 
propriated water to be the "property of the public " 
and contained provisions to protect farmers who 
rented water from a ditch owner. Wvoming's territo- 
rial engineer, however, was limited both fiscalK' and 
legally. The law of 1888 created a position, not a 
bureaucracy. Mead's salary was set at twenty-five hun- 
dred dollars, and he was only allowed one thousand 
dollars for additional personnel. The seven thousand 
dollar two-year appropriation included no nn)ney for 
operating expenses. "^ 

I his ma\', howe\'er, have been the wisest seven 
thotisand dollars the state of Wvoming has ever spent. 
Mead wasted no time in pointing out the deficien- 
cies in W\-oming's laws. For example, the law left the 
determination of water rights and conflicts over those 
rights in the district courts. Mead argued that the 
district cotirts had enough to do without having to 
deal with irrigation qtiestions. He pointed out that 
the complex questions dealing with water rights 

"Relating to the Recl.imation ot Arid L.iiids .ind tlie Preser- 
\-.ition ot Forests iji \X'\'oinint;. " Sfsnoii Laws of W'yoiiinig Tcr- 
r/iiiry, 1888. |oint Resolution and Memorials, pp. 233-34, 
hereafter cited as "Relating to the Reclamation oi Arid Lands." 
"Relating to the Reclamation of Arid Lands." 

' Ibid. 
Classic common law riparian doctrine holds that water rights 
belong only to the owner ot land bordering a stream. II water 
is diverted bv a riparian owner, then that water must be u.sed 
on riparian land. Riparian rights are correlative, or anv ripar- 
ian owner has just as much ot a claim to use water as any 
other riparian owner. Lact}' riparian owner has the right, theo- 
reticallv. for the stream to flow through their land undimin- 
ished in qualit)- or quantit)'. David H. Getchcs, Water Liw in 
a Nutshell (St. Paul, Minnesota: West Publishing Company, 

. 1990). pp. 14-22. 
"Chr. (iS. Irrigation." The CoDipilfd Lawi ofWyoming, 1876, 
pp. 3 -"'); and " I'itic 19. Irrigation." Revised Statutes of 
Wyomi)ig, 1887, pp. 3(i6-78. 

"Chr. ^5 Irrigation - Apptopriation of Water - Territorial 
Engineer." Session Lau's of Wyoiiiiiig Territory 1888, pp. 11 "i- 

re Wyoming H'S-.o^; Journal - Summef 2005 

should be left to civic professionals. Mead felt that 
court determinations of water rights by their nature 
did not reflect the realities of- irrigation from the 
stream. The law also di\'ided power and responsibil- 
ity among too manv individuals in too many places. 
For example, the territorial engineer was appointed 
bv the governor with the consent ol the House. The 
responsibilit\^ for presenting the correct information 
for an appropriation lay with the appropriator him- 
self while the district court made the final ruling as 
to decreed water rights. The county clerk had to com- 
pile an accurate list of appropriators for the stream, 
and the count}' sur\'eyor determined the location and 
carrving capacit)' ol the ditch. Finally, the district 
courts made the final adjudication of water rights.'' 

The diffused nature of water rights determina- 
tion and supervision could lead to a number ot prob- 
lems. Streams and rivers do not neatly conhne them- 
selves to a single district or county. Conceivably, wa- 
ter claims tor a single stream could be adjudicated by 
two or more courts and every stream which crossed a 
count}' line had a separate set of certificates ol appro- 
priation from the county clerk (who could not verify 
as to the accuracy ol the claim). Under the laws in 
force in 1888, Mead had no tormal power to deny 
an appropriation unless it interfered with vested prior 
rights. Manv ditches were constructed where one 
would have been sufficient. Through the approval or 
denial ol water rights. Mead wanted to coordinate 
and plan the construction of irrigation works tor bet- 
ter efficiency. By leaving the determination for the 
amount of water rights to the whims ot individual 
irrigators, the law encouraged wastehil practices. Fi- 
nallv, there was no penalty tor not filing a water claim 
in the first place.-" 

Because of Mead's background as an academic 
and a government worker, he saw the problems ot 
irrigation in a broader way than politicians, boosters, 
or tarmers. He would look to the state government 
to solve water rights problems, and luckily tor him 
one line of the 1888 session laws opened up the door 
for greater reform in water law: "He [the territorial 
engineer] shall become conversant with the water- 
ways of the territory and the needs of the territor}' as 
to irrigation matters, and in his report to the gover- 
nor he shall make such suggestions as to the amend- 

ment of existing laws or the enactment of new laws as 
his information and experience may suggest."'' Mead 
wrote that "requiring the engineer to suggest new laws 
opened the wa\' tor consultations with the territorial 
engineer, when the Constitutional Convention came 
to deal with irrigation and water rights."" Mead 
wanted to use the Wyoming Constitutional Conven- 
tion of 1 889 as a way to change both federal and state 
laws, but at first he was more concerned with water 
law anci giving the state ot Wyoming more control 
over individual water rights. 

C.H. Burritt, a Buffalo attorney, and J. A. 
lohnston tormed the irrigation committee of the con- 
stitutional convention. These two men met with 
Mead before the convention and hammered out the 
water law provisions that would eventually be adopted 
and included in the Wyoming constitution. Johnston 
and Burritt responded to concerns raised by other 
constitutional convention members about the water 
rights provisions. Although there was considerable 
discussion about the possibility of federal water rights 
and who would benefit (large or small ranchers) from 
the new provisions, in the end the water law section 
passed by a 35 to 2 vote.'' 

Article 8 of the Wyoming constitution and sub- 
sequent legislation would give Mead the system of 
regulaton' power over irrigation that he wanted. Sec- 
tions 1-3 of article 8 went far beyond the laws of 
Wvoming at the time and beyond the laws of any 
arid state in granting authorit}' over the use of water 
to the state. Section 1 gave ownership of all waters 
in or flowing in Wyoming to the state. Section 2 
created the Board of Control with power over "the 
supervision of the waters of the state and of their 

Wyoming Terriroriitl Engineer's Report, 1889, pp. 3-4, 23- 
^ 32, 72-76. 
Elwood Mead, Irrigatioii Institutions: A Discussion of the Eco- 
nomic and Legal Questions created by the growth of Irrigated 
Agricuhure in the West (New York: The Macmillan Com- 
panv, 1903), pp. 247-56; also Wyoming Territorial Engineer's 
Report, 1889, pp. 70-71. 

"Chapter 55. Irrigation - Appropriation of Water - Territo- 
rial Engineer," Session Laws of Wyoming Territory, 1888, p. 

"Recollections of Irrigation Legislation.' 
" Journal and Debates of the Constitution of the State of Wyo- 
ming (Cheyenne; The Daily Sun., 1893), pp. 134, 288- 
95, 378-79, 496-513, 534-37; also Larson, Historyi of Wyo- 
ming, pp. 253-55. 

appropriation, distribution and diversion." Section 3 
adopted priority of" appropriation for beneficial use, 
and ruled that "no appropriation tor beneficial use 
shall be denied except when such denial is demanded 
by the public interest." Section 4 divided the state 
into four water divisions which coincided with the 
four major drainage districts in Wyoming, each to 
be administered b\' a superintencient. Section S af- 
firmed the state engineer as president of the Board of 

The constitutional provisions were the basis for 
legislation passed in 1890 after W}'oming became a 
state. Colorado's constitutional provisions declared 
unappropriated water to be the "properr\' of the pub- 
lic," and that the right to divert water "shall ne\er be 
denied,"-^ but because Wyoming claims ownership 
of" all water in the state, it has rights over water al- 
ready appropriated. Furthermore, it can den\' an ap- 
propriation if there is no unappropriated water avail- 
able, if it conflicts with pre-established uses, or if it is 
not in the public interest. After proof has been sub- 
mitted that the project has been completed, a certifi- 
cate of appropriation is awarded. Ihe amount of wa- 
ter awarded is based on how much water is being put 
to beneficial use. Beneficial use was defined as being 
irrigation, domestic, municipal, industrial, and stock 
watering uses. The maximum amount given for agri- 
culture is a generous 1 cubic-foot per second per 70 
acres or the "dut\' of water." The date for the award 
(the priority) is awarded as of the time the permit was 
filed, but due diligence must be shown towards the 
completion of the diversion works or the permit is 
voided. If a water rights holder fails to continuously 
use their permitted water, their right is (in theory) 

The cornerstone of the "Wyoming System" is its 
permitting system. When Mead came to Wyoming 
he strongly advocated a permitting scheme, but in 
1888 he had to be content to bide his time. Mead 
simply suggested that irrigators submit a copy of their 
claim to appropriate water to make sure that it was 
properly filled out.-^ In 1889, Mead pushed for a 
board of control that would review applications to 
use water and either accept or deny a permit. Mead 
felt this system was important for a number of rea- 
sons. As mentioned earlier. Mead wanted supervi- 

sion over irrigation projects before they were built to 
ensure efficient use of water. Mead wrote: "There has 
been no preliminary control of the strean"is and the 
waters ha\'e been dixerted m a haphazard fashion, 
rather than in pursuance of a definite policy, having 
for its end their full utilization and economic distri- 
bution. In many instances defective works make the 
utilization of the waters wasteful and expensive. These 
e\ils will in time undoubtedh' disappear, but they 
could almost wholly have been obviated by the exer- 
cise on the part of the territor\' of an intelligent pre- 
liminary supervision over the location and construc- 
tion of all irrigation works."-'' Mead also hoped that 
a pen"nitting s\'stem would pre\'ent further di\ersions 
on streams that were already over-appropriated, curb 
claims to water that were pureK' speculative, and limit 
claims only to the actual amount of water used. 

The federal policies and laws that Mead found so 
onerous, however, were not as easiK" changed as the 
water laws. In his first year in Wyoming, Mead merely 
remarked, "there is unanimity of sentiment as to the 
desirabilit\' of a more liberal polic\' in respect to the 
disposal of the public land."-' A \'ear later Mead, how- 
ever, was strongly advocating federal land cession. 
The official report for the United States Senate Com- 
mittee on Arid Lands stated that "the session held at 
Cheyenne, in Wyoming, was notable also for the vig- 
orous presentation through Engineer Mead oi the 
carefully prepared argui"nent and demand oii the 
General Government for the transfer in [s]upport of 
irrigation development of the public domain remain- 
ing [wjithin the borders of Wyoming. The same polic\' 
was suggested in Ne\'ada, but ii"i Wyoming evidentK" 
it had been carefulK' considered b\' leading citizens, 
who put Engineer Mead forward as their representa- 

"Article No. V'lll. Irrigation .ind W'.itcr Rights. " T/w Coiisritu- 
tioii of the State of Wyoming., Forging New Rights, pp. 99-105. 

"Chapter 8. Super\'ision of Watet," Session Liws of the State of 
Wyomitig. 1890, pp. 91-106. 

Wyoming Territorial Engineer's Report. 1888, pp. 10-11. 
Wyoming Teiritorial Engineer's Report, 1889, p. 3; also Mead to 
loseph Nimmo, Aug. 21, 1889, Mead Letterbook, State 
Engineer's Office, Wyoming State Archives (WSA), Cheyenne. 
Wyoming Territorial Engineer's Report, 1888, p. 16. 
"Irrigation and Reclamation ot Arid Lands." Senate Reports, 
V Session ST' Cong. 1889-1890, Vol. 5. No. 928, Part 1, 
Serial Set 2707. pp. 84-85. 

Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming Histop,' Journal -- Summer 2005 

Displeasure with federal land policy and how it 
was administered was nothing new to Wyoming. In 
1879, a federal committee on arid lands investigated 
the possibility oi a new federal land code which would 
encourage settlement and limit h-aud. One of" the 
suggestions made bv the committee was to sell more 
federal land to ranchers at five cents per acre. The 
Wvoming Stock Growers Association voted against 
the new proposal. They preferred to keep using the 
pubic domain at no cost rather than buying land and 
paving taxes on it. Ranchers also argued that the In- 
terior Department, through the land offices, acted 
arbitrarily and unfairly to Westerners by holding up 
the final patents to land in a misguided effort to pre- 
vent fraud."' By 1885, however, the range was over- 
stocked and the ranchers of Wyoming had changed 
their tune. Cattlemen pointed out that under the land 
laws a stock grower could not possibly gain title to 
enough land to maintain a viable ranch.'' The rancher 
had to either use illegal methods of gaining land such 
as land fraud or fencing the public domain, or he 
had to hope others would observe common custom 
and stay out of his "accustomed range." 

How stock growers felt about federal land laws 
was just one example of the displeasure of many Wyo- 
mingites with federal policies. Joe Carroll, the Demo- 
cratic editor of the Cheyenne Daily Leader, simply 
wrote: "Any casual reader can see at a glance how ut- 
terlv nonsensical it is for the federal congress; unad- 
vised and uninformed as to their wants, to attempt to 
legislate for the fast growing communities of the West, 
the intelligent, active, energetic citizens of the terri- 
tories. To use a vulgarism, nine times out of ten it 
puts its foot in it."'^ From the government's handling 
of Indian affairs, to the desire for statehood, to fed- 
eral land policy, people were upset because they be- 
lieved the federal government was limiting Wyoming's 
economic opportunities. Prominent Laramie politi- 
cian and businessman WH. Holliday expressed the 
opinion of many when he wrote that, "I regard the 
early admission of statehood to Wyoming of such 
importance as to bring about the rapid settlement and 
development of the great resources of this Territory 
that [it] would seem in the nature of a calamity if the 
admission should be indefmitely postponed."^' 

The problems of state water law have already been 

discussed, but Mead as well felt (as did many Wyo- 
mingites) that federal land laws needed to be changed 
if Wyoming was to develop its resources even fur- 
ther. Bv casting Wyoming as the victim of unjust 
federal actions and of federal irresolution and uncer- 
taintv. Mead echoed the same sentiments expressed 
throughout Wyoming and the West. Mead used lan- 
guage very similar to the resolution passed by the 
1888 territorial legislature: 

Local action is embarrassed by the limitation imposed 
by our territorial condition and by all the public lands 
being under the control of the national government. 
It is useless for the territory to take any steps toward 
securing a systematic irrigation development unless it 
can also control the settlement of the land. The con- 
trol of the land by one authority and the water by 
another in a measure paralyzes the energies of the local 
authorities and makes it indispensable, if we are to 
have the utmost prosperit)', that one of two steps 
should be taken by the national authorities, either the 
control of the land should be turned over to the local 
government, or congress should extend proper aid in 
the constfuction of works for reclamation.'^ 

Even more to the point: "There have been re- 
peated instances where arbitrary and unreasonable 
rulings have subjected our people to heavy and wholly 
unnecessary expense and caused the whole land policy 
to be regarded as oppression. It was, however, the 
inevitable result of land laws wholly unsuited to the 
needs of irrigation and of their enforcement by offi- 
cials in Washington whose experience had not quali- 
fied them to deal with conditions which prevail 

Mead believed that through land cession Wyo- 
ming could unite the control of both land and water 
under the same authority. This would not only pre- 

hitson. Histoiy ojWyoi)ung,\>'p. 173-78. 

" Using all the land laws in place before 1891, a husband and 
wife could claim a maximum of 1,120 acres. This was more 
land than any one family could possibly irrigate, but it was 
far below what was necessary to maintain a viable ranch in 
Wyoming where between 10 and 40 acres of rangeland is 
necessary for each cow. 
Cheyenne Daily Leader, August 17, 1889. 
"Admission of Wyoming into the Union," House Reports, 
1" sess. 51" cong. Serial Set 2807, Report No. 39. 
Wyoming Teiritorial Engineer's Report, 1889, p. 12. 

'" Ibid. 

vent the possible abuses from water monopolization, 
but would also ensure that Wyoming could supcr\ise 
and plan the construction of ditches. Kdead Ich that 
Wyoming should he able to "require all ditches to be 
located and constructed in accordance with the te- 
sult of the surveys and limiting the number lo the 
ascertained capacity' of the stream. Such action would 
result in a greath' diminished cost ol distributing works 
and a large extension ol the irrigatecl territor\'. It 
would secure the reclamation ol the most desirable 
lands and bv preventing the construction oi surplus 
canals the conflict and abuses now resulting from 
reclamation and Itom over-appropriation ol streams 
would be a\'oided."' Mead also argued that federal 
land cession would provide the state with money to 
survey the land in order to determine the best sites 
for canals and reservoirs. 

Of course, like most Westerners, Mead would 
have been happv to receive aid trom the federal gov- 
ernment with no strings attached, but he wanted this 
only extended to the building of reservoirs or to di- 
rect loans. A better wav to "subsidize" irrigation was 
to let irritiation companies use land as sectuit\' ae:ainst 
which the\' could borrow nn)ne\'. L'nder federal land 
laws an irrigation company could not claim more 
land than anv other individual and would have to 
use fraudulent means to secure large tracts of land 
for resale to would-be irrigators. If these companies 
did not secure this land, land specidators would file 
upon it and force legitimate settlers to buy them out 
at inflated prices. Mead argued that the irrigation 
company needed large blocks of land so that they 
could avoid land speculation and so the\' could se- 
cure in\'estment. Mead's plan was for the state to con- 
tract out to irrigation companies to reclaim poten- 
tially irrigable land. If W\'oming owned this land 
instead of the federal government, it would reserve 
the land for bona-fide settlers while allowing the ditch 
company to use the reserv'ed land as securit\' against 
which it could borrow money. As Mead remarked, 
"what the ditch company needs is the assurance that 
the land will be settled when the water is there."'*'' 
1 his arrangement would, according to Mead, pre- 
vent abuse b\' ditch companies bv giving control of 
the land and water to W\-oming anti ensure that 
Wyoming would get the funds ftom the sale of lands 

to help administer the costs of the system. 

Another reason whv Mead acivocated land ces- 
sion was the possibilit\' that federal water rights might 
still be "out there. " During the con\'ention, j.A. 
Johnston argued that through the Desert Land Act, 
the federal government had given up its water rights. 
The 1 888 Wyoming territorial resolution mentioned 
earlier also hinted at the possibilit\' of federal water 
rights as did the debates in the constitutional con- 
vention. Henry Cotfeen stated: " The water flowing 
upon the land is part and patcel to the land, and title 
to land gives title to the water. The United States, as 
owner of the public lands, is the owner of the water 
also and will not our claim as a state to the ownership 
of all this water not conflict with the rights of the 
United States and with the rights which settlets on 
those public lands ma\' claim?"'" Of course, if the 
United States turned o\'er the public domain to the 
Western states through federal land cession, than this 
argument is void. The tetritorial status of Wyoming 
also added confusion to the extent of federal water 
rights because Wvoming had to gain statehood be- 
fore the Wvoming constitutional provisions were 
passed which claimed all water to be the propert\' of 
the state. 

An editorial printed in the Cheyemie Daily Leader 
in August 1 889 summarized the connection between 
state ownetship of water and fecieral land cession m 
W\'oming. In this article tlie author wrote, "the people 
of that wide awake territoiy are ali\'e to the impor- 
tance of the questions involved in this matter of irri- 
gation and are preparing to avail themselves of all its 
benefits. As a first step in that direction thev will seek 
early admission into the union, after which the\' \\ ill 
endeavor to have congress cede the control of the 
arid lands to the states in which they lie."*" If we 
follow this line of thinking than statehood itself would 
become a tool for promoting arid land cession. State- 
hood meant state ownership and control of water 
that would give general super\'ision and control over 
water to Wyoming, and it also meant the abiliu' to 
introduce arid land cession bills into Congress. 


"Irrisation .ind RLcl.imation ot .\rid Lands, pp. 483-8S. 
J,, P r r 

lournal lUiri Dehatei, p. 291. 

The Cheyein/c Daily Lfdder, Au£;ust 1^, 1889. 

Mead encouraged the thinking that the state own- 
ership of- water would allow tor public control of ir- 
rigation, but also that state ownership oi water was a 
solution to remed\'ing the negative effect that federal 
land laws had on the state's economic growth. Mead 
built upon this conviction bv pointing out in his 1 888 
and 1889 reports, in his correspondence, through 
the newspapers, and undoubtedK' in his daih' con- 
tacts, the deficiencies of the system. Mead promised 
that once Wyoming became a state, it could reform 
its water law and bring about the growth in farming 
that heretofore had proven elusive in Wyoming. The 
subsequent push for cession after statehood shows that 
the "Wvoming System" would be used as a justifica- 
tion for donation of federal lands to Wyoming. 

In fact, on the ver\' day that Wyoming officially 
became a state, July 10, 1890, Carev introduced a 
federal land cession bill. Mead would also write other 
federal land cession bills for Warren in 1891 and 
1892, and one argument Mead used in urging their 
passage was that federal land cession was a logical out- 
growth of state ownership of water: "Under the pro- 
visions of the state constitution, approved bv Con- 
gress, all the waters of our streams are declared to be 
the propern,' of the state. Nothing will be of greater 
ser\'ice in securing their economical utilization or in 
promoting the extension of our agricultural area than 
the donation to the state of the lands along the bor- 
ders of these streams."'' Of course, no federal land 
cession bill was ever passed by Congress and, surpris- 
ingly, opposition came as much from within as from 

In 1888 and 1889, Mead was adept at staying 
above the fray of land and water politics. In addition 
to a general anti-government cussedness and opposi- 
tion from cattlemen. Democrats were war}' of the 
system and its connection with arid land cession be- 
cause of the possible negative effects on small ranch- 
ers and farmers. Then, as now, land issues were a 
dividing line between Democrats and Republicans. 
There were fewer Democrats than Republicans, but 
in 1889 and 1890 they were becoming increasingly 
vocal in their opposition to arid land cession. Mead 
wrote that, "handbills were distributed in Cheyenne, 
which had the lurid heading 'Do you want to live 
under a Czar?"''- A flyer of the Democratic Party in 

Sweetwater County in 1890 read: 

"Home Sweet Houie 

The Wyoming statutes of 1 890 give to one man, the State 
Engineer, the power to control and dispose of all the wa- 
ters of the state. 

The control of the water is the control of the land. 
The crime of Wj is duplicated in the Wyoming crime 
of 1890. 

One robs the wage earner of his hire, the other robs the 
settler of his home. 

The [Rjepublican party demonetized silver in 1873. 
The [Rjepublican party of Wyoming in 1 890 passed the 
laws on the appropriation of water. 
Is the [Rjepublican party dearer to you than your wife, 
baby and fireside^'' '^^ 

During the constitutional convention debates. 
Democrat Henr\' Coffeen stated that "you have 
planted an injustice, as I believe, in the constitution 
which will be far reaching in the future, and do great 
injustice to many... It has been hinted and suggested, 
perhaps unwarrantably, that there are corporate in- 
terests involved in this question that are ver)' serious 
and close to the surface."'" Given the association at 
that time between the Wyoming system and federal 
land cession, it is reasonable to assume he meant that 
state ownership of water would lead to federal land 
cession, and federal land cession would benefit the 
big ranchers and corporations. 

Mead countered this criticism by covering all his 
bases. He argued that his system would prove benefi- 
cial to existing irrigators while also making boosters 
happy by promising that it would stimulate the growth 
of farming. Despite some criticism. Mead still won 
widespread respect from farmers, politicians, and 
boosters. Mead believed in reform through open com- 
munication about water law problems. Furthermore, 
he was not \iewed as a distant and unsympathetic 
bureaucrat. Mead was both a friend to irrio-ators and 

H.R. 11356 (Carey), 51" Cong., 1" Sess., July 10, 1890; also 
Wyoming State Engineer's Report, 1890, p. 6. 
"Recollections of Irrigation Legislation." 

Elwood Mead Scrapbook #1. WSA; also see "Recollection of 
Irrigation Legislation in Wyoming"; and Cheyenne Daily Leader, 
generally, in December, 1890. 
Journal and Debates, p. 29 1 . 

someone who knew a great deal ahour irrigation and 
irrigation law.'^ 

By 1892, however, Democratic accusations that 
large Republican landowners such as Warren and 
Carey would use arid land cession to grab still more 
lanci reached a more s\'mpathetic audience. Mead was 
a Republican and the Wyoming s\'stem was supported 
by Republicans. Republicans had controlled W\'o- 
ming and politics in Chevenne almost h'oni the in- 
ception oi the territor\'. Democratic counties, espe- 
cialh' Johnson and Sheridan, grew increasingK' hos- 
tile to the control Cheyenne and the Republican Part}' 
exercised over the rest ot the state. In 1892, a rare 
Democratic victory at the polls resulted from the 
Johnson County War and widespread anxiety that 
legitimate settlers were being driven from their homes. 
Typical oi" this sentiment was an editorial written in 
the Wyoiiii/ig Derrick of Casper, Wvoming: " The law 
[Warren's cession bill] ma\' benefit such men as Jo- 
seph M. Carey, who can form companies and file 
upon immense tracts along such streams as the Platte 
Ri\er, reclaiming them b\' large canals, and who ha\e 
the influence to make the tracts appear to be desert 
lands whether such or not.... It will enable such men 
to gobble up and withhold these lands from settle- 

As it turned out, 18'-)1 would be the high tide of 
federal land cession. At the National Irrigation Con- 
gress (organized b\' William Sm\'the and held in Salt 
Lake Cirv), the West was more united behind cession 
than they would ever be. Opposition from Demo- 
crats and the 1893 depression, however, killed the 
question as a national issue because investment in 
irrigation projects dried up, and man\- felt that pri- 
vate enterprise would never be able to reclaim all the 
land that could be irrigated. Furthermore, states with 
less federal land than W\'oming were onlv lukewarm 
towards the idea. P'ven though he still ad\'ocated a 
selective cession of federal lands. Mead himself ac- 
knowledged by 1892 that most people in the state 
were opposed to it.^ Meads work with Senators 
Warren and Carey on land cession bills was essen- 
tially done by 1893. 

The irrigation boom that Mead was sure would 
come about and keep the state engineers office hap- 
pilv engaged in reviewing irrigation applications never 

materialized. The Carey Act of 1894,^*^ which was 
meant to stimulate irrigation projects through a care- 
fully restricted donation of a small amount of land 
from the federal go\ernment, gave Mead a new role 
as state engineer. He would review the proposals for 
irrigation projects under the act and submit them to 
the secretary of the interior. This kept Mead busy in 
1 89S and 1 896, but by 1 897, there were no new pro- 
posals. The main work of the state engineer's office 
after 1890 was the adjudication of water rights on 
the streams and ri\'ers of Wvoming, and this work 
was proceeding at a good pace by the mid- 1 890s. By 

1897, there was not much left for Mead to accom- 
plish in W\oming and he looked for another chal- 
lenge. His wife, Florence, died that same \'ear of a 
toxic goiter leaving Mead with three small children. 
Although he had brought in extra monev as an irri- 
gation consultant, he was looking for a better paying 
job. Mead accepted the position of Fxpert-in-charge 
of Irrigation Investigations for the Office of Experi- 
ment Stations in the Department of Agriculture in 

1 898. In 1 899, after finishing his work with the state 
engineer's office, he left for Wishin2,ton D.C.^'' widely praised in Republican newspapers and in 
most [democratic ones; e\en when the editor disagreed with 
hull. For example, in an editorial of the C/hycinie Diii/y Lfddcr 
of October 9, 1892, the editor bitterly condemned a bill 
uitroduced into Congress b\' Senator Francis E. Warren and 
written by Mead. .Mmost in apology tor indirectly art,tck- 
ing Me.icf, the editor stated, " The arid land hill was the con- 
ception of an abler and better man. 
■ Wyoming Derrick, March 12, 1891. 
W'yoiiinig Statf Engineer's Report, 18'M & KS'-'2, pp. 28-29. 
This act could potentially set aside up to 1 million acres in 
each ot the arid states. A proposal was first submittecf to the 
secretan' of the interior who would either reject or appro\e 
it. It he approved then the land was withdrawn from settle- 
ment. Hither the state would build the project or it would 
contract out with an irrigation company to do the work. 
Once 20 out ot 160 acres (and under the act no person could 
acquire more than 160 acres) was irrigated, title p.issed to 
the settler. Quite a bit of land would eventually he irrigated 
in Idaho and Wyoming in the early 20''' Century, but as ot 
1902 only 12,000 acres had been claimed under the act. 
Kluger, r//r;;;';;^ o« Water, pp. 23-25. 

14 An.nais of VVyomInQ: The VVyominQ Histon,' Journal -- Summer 2Q05 

Mead saw rhe problem of expanding irrigated 
farming in terms of creating a condition by which 
business could invest money and make a proht while 
also protecting hirmers from corporate abuse. Mead 
proposed dual, interwoven reforms. At the state level 
the centralized administration of water rights would 
promote efficient use of water and guarantee that a 
water right meant an individual right to an actual 
amount ot water tor irrigation. If Wyoming could 
convince the federal government that it was gaining 
control of its chaotic water rights system, than the 
government would cede either all or part of the pub- 
lic domain to the state. After the cession irrigable land 
would first be surveyed either by the federal or state 
government to determine both the proper sites for 
irrigation works and at what cost those works could 
be built. Wyoming would then contract with an irri- 
gation company to build these works. The key to the 
success of this plan was that if W\'oming owned the 
land to be reclaimed, it woulcl allow the ditch com- 
pany to use that land as securit)' against which it could 
borrow money. The state would then restrict settle- 
ment on these tracts only to legitimate settlers. Mead 
argued that if the irrigation company could be guar- 
anteed that water was available, and that it could sell 
the land it was irrigating, new irrigation projects could 
secure ample funding. 

Mead was overh' optimistic in thinking that the 
state could legislate awav the limitations of high el- 
evation and small markets. Perhaps because of his 
youth and relative inexperience, he was also naive in 
assuming that his grand scheme would not encoun- 
ter stiff resistance. This should not, however, dimin- 
ish the remarkable achievement of creating and imple- 
menting a water rights system that, at least on paper, 
would seem very unpopular. Mead was an opportun- 
ist; by linking state centralized water rights with arid 
land cession he would have made the s\'stem much 
less innocuous to possible opponents. Mead believed 
that Wyoming could experience an irrigation boom 
similar to the cattle boom of the early 1880s. He 
promised that his system (with its two components 
of state water rights reform and arid land cession) 
would create this boom and in a state with limited 
growth, the fruit that Mead held out was just too 
tempting to pass up. 

Today, Mead is rightly regarded as a visionary in 
bringing order to the chaos of water use through le- 
gal institutions. The Wyoming system of water rights 
was an example of how laissez-faire settlement prac- 
tices were slowly being modified to fit the realities of 
creating successful, large-scale irrigation. But he only 
got half of what he wanted. In 1889, Mead's best 
selling point was that his system was a foil to the 
federal government. By 1892, however, this point 
became one of its biggest drawbacks. For a variety of 
reasons, Wyoming and the West (as Mead himself 
was to do later in life) rejected arid land cession as a 
viable option. 

Kluger, Turning on Water, pp. 20, 23-26, and Pisani, To Re- 
claim a Divided West, pp. 251-72. Mead still championed 
state reclamation and state control of federal lands from the 
Department of Agriculture. The passing of the Reclamation 
Act of 1902, however, would inaugurate the era of federal 
reclamation. Mead stayed on until 1907 when he began to 
work for the Australian government. Mead returned to the 
United States with a new appreciation for the possibilities of 
national reclamation. From 1916 to 1923, he held a profes- 
sorship at the University of California, Berkley, and in 1923 
he became Commissioner of the Bureau of Reclamation. He 
held this position until his death in 1936. 

; H-s:o' 

Jackson Hole Water Resources, 

Federal Reclamatlonists, and 

Idaho Irrigatlonlsts 

By Hugh Lovin 

Jackson Lake Dam under construction, ca, 1910. Courtesy American Heritage Center. 

under the 
Reclamation Act 
of 1902, federal 
efforts to 
transform large 
tracts of 
Wyoming land 
into irrigated 
farms faltered, 
especially at the 
Riverton project. 

Changing forever the American West after 18^)0. federal pohcymakers, 
western state governments, agricultural forces, and commercial expan- 
sionists created what historian Donald Worster has characterized a "hv- 
draulic" agricultural order. Grand-scale irrigation ot arid land followed in seven- 
teen western states.' But this initiative caught Wyoming agriculturists off guard. 
Although they had been innovators of irrigated farming on 605,878 acres, even 
in the Big Horn, Platte, and Green River basins few farms could vield enough 
high-value crops like sugar beets so that the costs of such grand-scale irrigation 
were amortized economically. ' Furthermore, imder the Reclamation Act of 1 902, 
federal efforts to transform large tracts of Wvoming land into irrigated farms 
faltered, especially at the Riverton project. Neither wotdd free enterprisers ad- 
vance big-time irrigation very far by operating under the federal Carey act of 

' Donald Worster, Rii't-n ofEnipiir: Water. Ariiiity. iDiti the Growth ofthe Aiiiericaii West (New Yorlc: 

Pantheon Books, l')8S), p. 2^(i. 
- Donald J. Pisani, To RecLum a Divided West: Witer. Lite, and Publie Pohey. 18-i8-I902 (Alliuquer- 

que: University of New Mexico Press, 1992), pp. 228-30. 

Annals of VVvornino: The VVvornino Hisiorv Journal •■ Summer 2005 

1894. At these entrepreneurs' hands, only 180,842 
out of more than one million potentially irrigable 
acres were patented to farmers alter thirrv' years had 

Under such conditions, Wyoming often lost wa- 
ter resources to outsiders when, after 1900, the ex- 
pansion of grand-scale irrigation regionally caused 
greater competition lor the Wests water. Wyoming 
citizens balked alter losing so much. In 1931, Tho- 
mas Cooper, president of the Wyoming Wool Grow- 
ers Association, protested that irrigationists in sur- 
rounding states habitually used Wyoming "lor a place 
to store snow for water " even though the state's own 
people should "use some ol the [same] resource for 
the benefit " ol themselves.^ 

In part. Cooper deplored what had ahead)' tran- 
spired along Wyoming's western slope. There, Idaho 
irrigationists staked claims to Teton Creek and Salt 
River waters that originated in Wyoming. Similarly, 
Utah and Idaho water users wanted to preempt the 
Bear River lor themselves' although the river flowed 
out of Wyoming's southwest corner into the other 
states.^ Much was similarly at stake at Wyoming's Jack- 
son Hole where federal reclamationists and Idaho 
irrgationists first became a thorn for Wyoming people 
early in the twentieth century. Eventually, Pacific 
Northwest hydroelectricity producers and Colorado 
water users also coveted the Hole's water riches. 

Damming up Jackson Hole's water for grand-scale 
irrigation outside Wyoming was an old idea lor which 
federal authorities became the strongest boosters al- 
ter 1890. Finally, after John Wesley Powell and his 
U.S. Geological Survey staff had better publicized 
the plan, U.S. Reclamation Service Director Frederick 
Newell chose this approach to provide water for about 
130,000 acres for his agency's new Minidoka project 
in Idaho.'' His engineers dammed the outlet of Jack- 
son Lake, the grandest of several lakes within Jack- 
son Hole, so that 250,000 acre-feet of shored water 
emptied from the lake into the Snake River channel 
lor transit to Minidoka in each irrigating season. By 
1912, they had improved the damming so much that 
Minidoka could receive another one hundred thou- 
sand acre-feet of water each summer. 

Because of this water taking, to say nothing of 
similar incidents elsewhere in their state, Wyoming 

state officials protested. Governor Fenimore 
Chatterton deplored the preempting of resources that 
might otherwise be utilized by private irrigation en- 
tities within his state. Wyoming State Engineer 
Clarence Johnston accused Newell of enforcing his 
claims to be "bell cow" of all irrigation development 
in the West; a successor, A.J. Parshall, asserted that 
the Reclamation Service had persisted in "looting" 
Wyoming water lor nearly two decades.^ Then such 
opposition escalated alter the Reclamation Service 
sold and diverted another three hundred thousand 
acre feet of Jackson Lake water to non-federal projects 
in Idaho during the 1910s. By 1916, 789,000 acre- 
leet ol such water sustained federal and non-federal 
irrigation tracts in this state.' 

For their own reasons, Jackson Hole stock rais- 
ers, hay farmers, and commercial elements detested 

* Donald J. Pisani, Water and American Government: The Recl-arna- 
tion Bureau, National Water Policy, and the West 1902-1935 (Ber- 
keley: Universin' of California Press, 2002), p. 129; Benjamin 
Horace Hibbard, A History of the Public Land Policies (Madison: 
University of Wisconsin Press, 1965 ed.), p. 454. 

"* Yellowstone National Park Boundar)' Commission, Message from 
the President Transmitting the Final Report of the Yellowstone Na- 
tional Park Boundary Co?nmission . . ., House Doc. 710, 71 Cong. 
3 Sess. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1931), p. 86. 

^ D. Brooks Green, "The Idaho-Wyoming Boundary: A Problem in 
Location," Idaho Yesterdays 23 (Spring 1979): 10-14; John A. 
Whiting to Frank C. Emerson, August 2, 1927, Frank C. Emerson 
Papers, Wyoming State Archives (WSA), Cheyenne; W.L. Killpack 
to H.C. Baldridge, March 14, 1927, H. Clarence Baldridge Pa- 
pers, Idaho State Archives (ISA), Boise; R. Scott Wren, "A History 
of Water Resources Development in the Bear River Basin of Utah, 
Idaho, and Wyoming" (master's thesis, Utah State University, 
Logan, 1973). 

'' J.W Powell, Tenth Annual Report of the United State Geological 
Survey to the Secretary of the Interior, 1888-1889, Part II — Irriga- 
tion (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1890), p. 107; 
Pisani, To Reclaim, 147; Second Annual Report of the Reclamation 
Service. 1902-03. House Doc. 44, 58 Cong. 2 Sess. (Washing- 
ton: Government Printing Office, 1905), pp. 272-74. 
F.A. Banks, "Jackson Lake Storage," Proceedings of the Joint Confer- 
ence of hrigatton. Engineering and Agricultural Societies of Idaho 
(Twin Falls, Idaho: Kingsbury Printing Company, n.d. [1919]), 
p. 108; "Jackson Lake Dam the Savior of the Snake River Valley," 
Engineering News-Record, 83 (December 1 1-18, 1919): 992. 

* Twin Falls (Idaho) News, November 11, 1904, p. 1; Clarence 
Johnston to Wayne Datlington, Septembet 1, 1904, Idaho Rec- 
lamation Records, Collection AR-20, ISA (1" qtn.); T.A. Larson, 
Histotj ofWyoming (Lincoln: Universir)' of Nebraska Press, 1965), 
p. 35 (2nd qtn). 

" Banks, "Jackson Lake Storage," p. 108; Mark Fiege, Irrigated Eden: 
The Making of an Agricultural Landscape in the American West (Se- 
attle: University of Washington Press, 1999), p. 142. 

these federal irrigation works. When tederal engineers 
satisfied Idaiio irrigationists, the\' charged, some ot 
their properties were fiooded from raising [ackson 
Lake in the spring and others from empt\'ing water 
from the kike into the downstream channel oi the 
Snake River during the summer. According to Idaho 
water master L\'nn C^randall, down streamers below 
the lake suHered the worst because ten thousand acre- 
feet of water cttntinuousK' filled the Snake channel 
every summer imtil 1927. Finallw in this year, the 
outflow of the lake was reduced to no more than 
seven thousand acre-feet because spring runoff could 
be stored in a newK' constructed reserx'oir in Idaho. 
Rut lackson Hole residents still complained about 
the hydrological consequences of federal reservoiring 
of water. Besides instances of new flooding after 1 927, 
thev alleged that emprs'ing even seven thousand acre- 
feet of water from lackst)n Lake eroded the Snake's 
riverbanks and producecf too much sediment before 
the water fmallv flowed out of Wyoming.'" 

Simultaneously, Jackson Hole people rued dif- 
ferent instances of outsiders impinging on their areas 
resources. Taking advantage of \V\'oming's liberal 
water laws, Idaho corporations and irrigation districts 
won court-decreed rights to additional Snake River 
water before it flowed past the Wyoming-Idaho 
boundary. Another group established water and res- 
ervoir-storage rights for Jenn\- and Leigh lakes. Jirst 
miles away, the Osgood Land Livestock C(impan\', 
also an Idaho-based organization, gained similar rights 
at Emma Matilda and Two Ocean lakes (often char- 
acterized the Twin Lakes, a designation followed in 
this essay of brevity). As successor to the Osgood or- 
ganization, the LItah-Idaho Sugar Compan\' kept 
those rights until Wyoming state authorities rescinded 
them in 194L" 

Also because of Wyoming's water laws and indul- 
gent state engineers and boards of control, Wyo- 
ming groups such as the Cheyenne-based Teton Irri- 
gation Company easily became owners of Jackson 
Hole water and reservoir sites that could be sold to 
out-of-state agricultural and commercial organiza- 
tions. For instance, in 1923, holders of I win Lakes, 
Buffalo Creek, and Gros Ventre Ri\er water antici- 
pated "a might}' nice income [for] the rest of our 
lives" by selline; out to Idaho irrigation and hydro- 

power mtetests. ~ 

Even wotse, Jackson people feared, the\' could 
lose additional water resoiuces. Because of droughts 
cituing the i92()s in Idaho, irrigationists and theit 
commercial allies demanded even more water from 
lackson Hole sources. I he Reclamation Service sided 
with them.' ' 

Fighting back, lackson forces attempted to ban- 
ish all federal and Idaho intruders from Jackson Lake, 
several smaller lakes at the foot of the Teton Moun- 
tains, Twin Lakes, and the Gros Ventre River basin.' ' 
In this fight, their allies included prominent conser- 
N'ationists from outside the state. I'aiticularK' helpful 
were acti\ists who had long accused the Reclamation 
Sen'ice of causing environmental disasters in order 
to sate western irrigationists' appetites; and especially 
was it offensive, these activists charged, that the shores 
of Jackson Lake had become an en\ironmental "eye- 
sore" of stinky mud flats littered with unsightK' de- 
bris from constantly raisincr and drawiii", down the 
lake for the benefit of irrigation atiriculture.''" More- 

'" W.G. Swendscn to D.W. D.ivis, J.uiuan 21. 1 >>: 1 , D-nid W. IXivis 
Papers. ISA; Minurcs ot [the] C'omniittce oi Nine, October Is. 
1 '^)S7, Henry C Dworsh.ik P.ipers, Id.tho State Society 
(ISHS), Boise. 

" "Decreed W'.iter Rights District No. 3 and ,iC. . .." n.d., pp. 
21-24 (mimeographed), Wyoming State Engineer Papers, WSA; 
Seventeenth Biennial Report of the State Engineer to tin' (jovernor of 
Wyoming. 1923-192-1 (Cheyenne, n.p., 1924), p. 24; Leonard 
|. Arrington, Beet Sugar in the West: A Histoty of the Utnh-hlaho 
Sugar Company. /(S'9/-/966 (Seattle: l!niversit\' ot Washington 
Press, r)6Ci). p. 109. 

- Robert W. Ri[;hter, Crucible for Conservation: The Creation of 
Cratid Teton National Park ([Boulder]; Colorado Associated 
University Press,, 1982), p. 10; William F. Cox to Charles C. 
Carlisle, January 28. 192S. Charles C:. Carlisle Papers, WSA 

' ' Fourteenth Biennial Report of the State Engineer to the Coventor of 
Wyoming, 1918-1918 (Laramie: Laramie Republican Company, 
1918), p. 36; Eighteenth Annual Report of the Reclamation Ser- 
vice. 1918-1919 (Washington; Government Printing Office, 
1919), p. 4U. 
' In the Gros Ventre ba.sin, the Idahoans' most sizable tract had 
been purchased from the Cheyenne-based Teton Irrigation Com- 
pany, only tor large-scale irrigation there to be precluded by the 
collapse, in 192", of their reservoir holding 100,000 acre-teet 
of water. Minutes of [the] Committee of Nine, October 13, 
19S7, Dworshak Papers, ISA. 

" David J. Sa\lor, Jachson Hole. Wyoming: In the Shadow of the 
Tetons (Norman; University of Oklahoma Press, 1970), p. 155; 
Finally, in 1934-1936, the federal Civilian Conservation Corps 
cleared the lakesides for the first time, Righter, Crucible, p. 90. 

1 8 Annals of Wyoming: The VVyoming Hislory Journal -- Summer 2005 

over, the same forces argued, Jackson Hold should 
realize its "highest use" as a playground instead of an 
agricultural zone or water exporter. Eventually, such 
a change happened with their help. Dude ranching 
proliferated in the 1920s with influential people like 
philanthropist John Rockefeller, Jr. boosting the in- 
dustry. Outfitters and guides popularized outdoors 
recreation bv visitors, and commercial elements capi- 
talized on such promoting to grow a tourism-based 
economy. Because of agricultural deflation nation- 
wide, causing Jackson stock raisers and the area's few 
dirt frrmers to sutter in this htrmers depression, the 
agriculturists supported the new economy."^' 

At the same time, Jackson forces pressured Gov- 
ernor Robert Carey for help in expelling the Recla- 
mation Ser\'ice and downwind Idaho irrigationists 
so that Jackson Hole realized its new destiny more 
quickly. He responded, saying that these outsiders 
should not access "even an acre-foot of water" that 
could be utilized in Wyoming; however, he also op- 
posed what he called "dog in the Manger" actions 
like engaging in what might be losing warfare with 
the Reclamation Service over Jackson Lake." In part, 
he also shied away from challenging the foderal agency 
because it might never expand its Jackson Lake wa- 
terworks so much that it expropriated water for Ida- 
hoans that could be utilized in Wyoming. In fact, 
certain foderal studies, although not conclusive, had 
already indicated that drawing down the lake had 
peaked because procuring more water for Idahoans 
by higher damming at the lake would cost them too 
much money. "^ Moreover, Carey and his immediate 
successors let stand the federal place at Jackson Lake 
lest resisting make it difficult for them to secure fed- 
eral help in exploiting diflerent "water resources" so 
that Wyoming could become "an important agricul- 
tural state." To reach this end, at Carey's initiative, 
Wyoming's Board of Immigration attempted to at- 
tract more farmers to the state.''' 

Conversely, Carey and several successors, nota- 
bly Frank Emerson in 1 927- 1931, placated their Jack- 
son constituents save on Jackson Lake issues. On 
grounds of preserving sceneiy and preventing envi- 
ronmental despoliation, they deprived Idaho 
irrigationists of their rights at Jenny and Leigh lakes. 
Listening to U.S. Park Service Director Stephen 

Mather, who said that Twin Lakes should be "spared 
the fate of lackson Lake, now completely desecrated 
by an [Idaho] irrigation project," Carey prevented 
the Osgood forces from enlarging their Twin Lakes 
waterworks in order to procure more water each sum- 
mer. In 1930, Emerson forced Idahoans from their 
main holdings in the Gros Ventre River basin.'" 

Governor David Davis of Idaho attempted to 
change Carey's mind at least enough that Osgood 
forces got foil usage of Twin Lakes. By Davis' argu- 
ments, Wyoming's western slope was mostly too 
"high" for much irrigated-farm cropping; hence, it 
had been "unusual conservatism, bordering on self- 
ishness" for the Cheyenne government to hamstring 
the Osgood organization. But Carey stood his ground 
and persuaded the Wyoming legislature to reject a 
plan that Davis had concocted to help the Osgood 
camp. By this scheme, the two states woidd each al- 
low water to be "appropriated" in one for irrigation 
in the other.'' 

Concurrently, Idaho irrigationists counted the 
Park Service another of their foes who wanted to de- 
prive them of Wyoming water now that Mather had 
just announced a plan to expand the boundaries of 

"■ Saylor,y,;£-/'jo;; Hole, pp. 1 57-58, 171 (qtn.); Robert B. Betts, 
Along the Ramparts of the Tetons: The Saga of Jackson Hole, 
Wyoming (Niwot: Universiry Press of Colorado, 1978), p. 

'' J.A. Bristol to [D.W. Davis], n.d., Davis Papers; Cheyenne 
State Leader, October 3, 1919, p. 1 (qtns.). 

'* For a summary of these studies, see: Minutes of the Idaho 
Board of Land Commissioners, August 13, 1917, p. 3, Idaho 
Reclamation Records. 

" "Article for [the] Wyoming State Tribune," January 16, 1926 
(mimeographed), Frank C. Emerson Collection, American 
Heritage Center(AHC), University of Wyoming, Laramie 
(qtns.); Larson, History, pp. 415-16. 

-" Seventeenth Biennial Report. . . Wyoming, pp. 23-24; Report 
of the Director of the National Park Service to the Secretary of the 
Interior for the Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1921 (Washington: 
Government Printing Office, 1921), p. 67 (qtn.); Righter, 
Crucible, pp. 10, 32, 33. 

-' Swendsen to Davis, January 22, 1921, Davis Papers (qtn.); 
C. Clyde Baldwin to Swendsen, Januar)' 6, 1921, Emerson 
to Swendsen, January 2A, 1921, Idaho Reclamation Records. 
By another plan that Wyoming authorities also rejected, 
Idaho irrigationists could procure more watet by damming 
Salt River in Wyoming's portion of Star Valley, C. Clyde 
Baldwin to Herbert Fellensbee, November 21, 1921 [copy], 
Wyoming State Engineer Papers, WSA. 

lira h's!cr''.i,v;,-rai"bi;"':r:e' j 



, __,_ ^- 1 ^^'j/' 




Yellowstone National Park to Jackson Hole. B\' this 
plan, he cotild bar economic interests like mining 
and hirming hom the scenic Teton Mountains, a big 
chunk ot Jackson Hole that included both Jackson 
and Twin Lakes, and considerable terrain at the west- 
ern side of the Absarokas. in the words of Horace 
AJbright, Yellowstone National Park superintendent, 
the government would save lackson Holes "scenic 
resources" before others ruined them.^' 

To the irrigationists' surprise, few Jackson people 
supported Mather's scheme even though he positioned 
his agency as an allv in theit struggles with Idaho 
interlopers. Looking ahead to when the farmers" de- 
pression would end, Jackson stock growers mobilized 
to protect their old grazing regions from the Park 
Service's jurisdiction; Jackson commercial forces, in- 
creasingly gratified with the area's biu'geoning tom- 
ism-based economy, saw little benefit for themselves 
from supporting Mather. More hostile to Mather, 
the Wyoming Division of Izaak Walton League, a 

1920 s proposal of Stephen Mather, US. Park Service 
Director, to transfer a large portion of Jackson Hole to his 
Yellowstone National Park domain. Source: Wyoming State 
Journal (lander), September 24, 1920 Courtesy the author. 

politicallv potent force across the state, held that 
Wyoming authorities could better than the Park Ser- 
vice preserve the "primeval status" of northwestern 

Carey and man\' latter-dav officials like Gover- 
nor William Ross also deplored Mather's proposal. 
Carey charged that Mather and his "federalists" had 
launched a "severe attack" on Wvoming.^' 

This battling lasted for nearh- a decade although, 
as of ]'^)26, Mather's opponents had gained the up- 
per hand. 1'5\' this time, W\'omings congressit)nal del- 
egation had chiseled so much from Mather's proposal 
that the Park Service could expect to absorb "practi- 
callv no lands [ever] used for iirazine. " Such logroll- 
ing contmued imtil Mather gained onl\' ISO square 
miles that, in 1 92^), Congress set aside as Grand Leton 
National Park. Among many parts of Jackson Hole, 
Jackson and Lwin Lakes remained outside the new 

In resisting Mather's scheme, lackson Hole forces, 
Idaho irrigationists, and public officials of the respec- 
tive states were on the same side for the first time. 
Furthermore, the new alliance thrived because Ida- 
hoans attempted momentarih' to tap 'Yellowstone 
National Park water in lieu of "ettiri" more from 

-- Corlv HerdlfL Scptemlicr 20, 191'), p. 1; Horace Alliright to 
William B, Ross, January 26, 192.x William B. Ross Papers, 
WSA (qtn.). 

'-' Jiickso}! Conner. October 2 [?], clipping in Frank Mondeli Pa- 
pers, AHC; "Report ot [the] Fourtti Annual Convention, Izaak 
Walton League of America, Wyoming division, Deceniher 
11-12, 1928, p. 9 (mimeographed), Izaak Walton League, 
Wyoming Division Papers, AHC (qtn.). 

-' Billings Gazette, September S, 1920, p. 1 (qtn.); Robert B. 
Carey to AJbright, August ,t1, 1919, Robert B. Carey Papers, 
WSA; Carey to M.H. Kneed\, julv 29. 1922 (copy), William 
B. Ross Papers, WSA. 

^"' jiickson Cniirier, April 1, 1926, p. 1 (i\in.)\ Jackwii Hole Neivs, 
June 15, 1988, clipping in Chris Christensen Papers, WSA; 
Righter, Crucible, pp. 35, 40. 

20 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Summer 2005 

Jackson Hole sources. Carey publicly endorsed this 
alternative, and Jackson residents breathed sighs of 
relief because the Idahoans had finally shopped else- 
where for water. However, Mather thwarted the Ida- 
hoans, and the new concord between Wyoming and 
Idaho forces collapsed when the latter weighed again 
their chances of drawing additional water trom Jack- 
son Lake instead ol Yellowstone.-'' 

Subsequentlv, this discord worsened despite some 
conciliatory gestures from both sides. Relying belat- 
edly on fedetid thinking that Idaho irrigationists could 
never inexpensively draw more water from Jackson 
Lake, the Idahoans decided to put a new dam across 
the Snake River downstream Irom the lake. They 
especiallv eved several dam sites within Wyoming. 
But thev also prepared for a still fight over the sites; 
it appeared that Jackson people, backed by their state 
government, would not only oppose such damming, 
but assert hegemony over water enough to fill a new 
reservoir on grounds that this Snake water belonged 
to them. Such claims rested on the water being of 
Jackson Hole origin. To counter such theorizing, 
irrigationists introduced new principles — Idahoans 
desired only water "surplus" to human needs at Jack- 
son, and for that reason, "public policy" compelled 
Wvoming people to tolerate the proposed waterworks. 
Furthermore, this argument held that even though 
the Snake River's watershed was largely within Wyo- 
ming, it should "be administered as a [single] unit" 
through an interstate public authorit)'.' 

Generally, Jackson people were loath to surren- 
der either more water or dam sites after having lost 
so much in\'oluntaril\' at Jackson Lake; however, a 
dude rancher said, these people might relent il Wyo- 
ming authorities first compelled Idaho irrigationists 
to pay cash for the proposed damming and reservoir 
water.-*^ From 1920 to 1931, the Robert Carey, Wil- 
liam Ross, and Frank Emerson administrations at 
Cheyenne mostly adhered to the rancher's position. 
While he was still Wyoming state engineer in 1924, 
Emerson described the state government's policies: 
Wyoming would first "reserve" enough Jackson Hole 
water to sustain "all possible [economic] development; 
next, in allowing others to access the remaining por- 
tion of this "natural resource," Wyoming citizens 
would insist on monetary returns to be spelled out in 

a mutually acceptable interstate compact. Then, in 
1925, Congress proposed that, in such a compact, 
Wyoming, Idaho, Oregon, and Washington decide 
the fate of Snake River water. In reaching such an 
agreement, prospectively Wyoming's Interstate 
Stream Commission could secure interstate sanction 
of- Wyoming's water doctrines.-'' 

For want of cooperation between these four states, 
no compact was written. Nonetheless, Idaho 
irrigationists intensified, in the wake of greater water 
shorthills from 1930 to 1934, their pressure for new 
damming downstream from Jackson Lake. Congress 
listened to them. To decide the damming issue, it 
authorized compact making between only Wyoming 
and Idaho, and Wyoming's new governor, Leslie 
Miller, agreed grudgingly to the proposition. At last, 
after several months ot negotiating in 1932, Wyo- 
ming State Engineer John WTiiting, his Idaho coun- 
terpart, and a United States representative wrote a 
compact.'" By this instrument, Jackson forces 
strengthened their grip on several water sources, no- 
tably at Twin Lakes. In return, the Bureau of Recla- 
mation (successor agency to the Reclamation Service 
since 1923) and Idaho irrigationists were granted 
"continued and undisputed use of Jackson Lake," and 
Idahoans could additionally build a new dam on 
Wyoming soil in order to exploit "unappropriated 
and unused" Snake water.'' 

Despite objections by Idahoans to their proposed 
retrenching at Twin Lakes, Idaho legislators ratified 

-'' Hugh Lovin, "Yellowstone National Park, Jackson Hole, and the 
Idaho Irrigation Frontier," Idiiho Yesterdays 43 (Winter 2000): 
10-13; also see Lovin, "Fighting over the Cascade Corner of 
Yellowstone National Park, 1919-1935," Annals of Wyoming 
11 (Spring 2000): 14-29. 

- Seventh Biennial Report of the Department of Reclamation, State 
of Idaho, 1931-1932 (N.R: n.p., 1932), 93 d", 2"^ qtns.): 
George N. Carter to I.H. Nash, Januar>' 24, 1930, Idaho Rec- 
lamation Records (3"' qtn.). 

-'* Yellowstone National Park Boundary Commission, Message, p. 

-'' Seventeenth Biennial Report. . . Wyoming, p. 232 (qtns.); New 
Reckmation Era 17 (October 1926): 173; Larson, Histoij, pp. 

'" Idaho Statesman. July 25. 1932 (clipping), John A. Whiting to 
R.F. Walter and Frank Martin, December 2, 1932, Martin to 
C. Ben Ross, December 6, 1932, C. Ben Ross Papers, ISA. 

" "Wyoming-Idaho Compact — Snake River," June 5, 1933 (type- 
script), C. Ross Papers, ISA (qtns. 3, 5). 

; Oi '..'V'.nmn::- i 'is v'.' 


the new compact, and congressional concurrence 

seemed likelv. Consequently, in the Wyoming legis- 
lature, the House ol Repiresentatives assented despite 
criticism that Miller and Whiting had "given away 
the rights ol Wyoming" and got "nothing in return." 
Mostly on the same grounds, the W\'oming Senate 
neyer approved the compact.'' 

Compact negotiations began anew in 1^)34; the 
negotiators this time included six special commission- 
ers, three each Irom Wyoming and Idaho; and an 
U.S Geological Survey engineer. Their deliberations 
dragged until Wyoming's representatives had secured 
terms acceptable to them — especially ironclad guar- 
antees that, in the Snake watershed, an\' utilization 
of water would ahead oi all else fill Wyoming's needs 
for it despite any priorit}' claims of outsiders to the 
same resources. The new compact so written, Idaho 
irrigationists opposed it. They demanded no less than 
Jackson water being allocated to people such as them- 
selves who claimed first rights to it under the West's 
historic first-in-time, first-in-right water doctrine. In 
short, Idahoans scuttled the new compact.'' 

When compact-arranging floundered again, Jack- 
son commercial forces and dude ranchers seized on 
this turn oi events, hoping at last to secure what they 
had always prelerred — close down the federally-op- 
erated waterworks at Jackson Lake, cancel the out- 
standing rights oi outside irrigationists to Jackson 
Hole water and reservoir sites, and block tederal 
reclamationists and Idaho irrigationists trom erect- 
ing a new dam below Jackson Lake. Wyoming state 
officials, legislators, and courts helped them. In fights 
that ensued, these opponents oi Idaho's irrigationists 
won several innings. The\' blocked new schemes for 
raising the Jackson Lake dam, thus preventing the 
irrigationists fiom exploiting more than 789,000 acre- 
foet oi lake water. In 1 94 1 , Wyoming authorities de- 
prived the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company of the Twin 
Lakes water and reservoir rights that it had just pur- 
chased from old-time Osgood holders. The anti- 
irrigationists also supported a Wyoming Planning 
Board scheme to divert what Snake water that Jack- 
son people could not use from the Jackson Hole wa- 
tershed to Wyoming's Green River basin; there, the 
planners intended, the water would be used for irri- 
gation purposes.'^ Also to thwart Idaho water users 

who might want even more dams in Jackson Hole, 
certain vvealth\' people gobbled up lackson proper- 
ties that could be "used h)r Reservoir Sites. " Possibly 
b\' this tactic, too, for Wyoming they might lessen 
the impact at Jackson of a U.S. Supreme Court rul- 
ing (1931) that required states to share equitabh- in 
the benefits of their interstate streams.'^ 

However, try as they might, the Wyoming forces 
could not eliminate the existing Jackson Lake water- 
works inasmuch as, a federal lawv'er pointed out, the 
government had virtually unassailable power "to con- 
struct irrigation works for the reclamation of arid 
land. ""' Neither could W\'oming tax Jackson Lake 
water holdings, as was instigated by Jackson people, 
in order to drive out-of-state irrigationists from the 
lake. In 1939, a federal circuit court barred Wyo- 
ming from taxing water that Idahoans owned at Jack- 
son Lake. According to the court, this was appurte- 
nant to the Idahoans land where the\' had long used 
it beneficially; hence, the water was beyond 
W\'omings reach because it was situated in Idaho "for 
tax piu'poses. "' Afterwards, Wyoming opponents of 
Jackson Lake damming continued to denounce the 
federal waten\orks there, hoped that e\'entuall\' the 
works would disappear on wearing out or becoming 
outmoded, and were later pleased that anv expand- 

" Carey to John Thomas, February 28, 1933, C.Ben Ross to 
Frankhn Roosevelt, July 22, 1933, Martin to Ross, January 2, 
1934 (qtns.), C. Ross Papers, ISA. 

" C. Ben Ross to Leslie Miller, Fehruar,' 1 1 . 193S (copy), Barzilla 
W. Clark Papers, ISA; Crandall to Bishop, June 1 1, 1947 (copy), 
Charles A. Robins Papers, ISA; Teiit/j Biennial Report of the De- 
partment of RecLiUhittoti. State of Idaho, 1937-1938 (N.P: n..p., 
1938), p. S8. 

'' S.O. Harper, "39 Years of Federal Reclamation in Idaho," n.d., 
p. 3 (mimeographed), Sinclair Ollason Harper Papers, AHC; 
Crandall, "Water Distribution and Hydrometric Work, Dis- 
trict No. 36, Sn,tke River, Idaho," Januar\- S, 1942, p. 16 (Pi'pe- 
script). Idaho Reclamation Records; "Preliminar)' Report on 
[the] Proposed Water Development by Diversion ot Waters ot 
the Snake and Green Rivers in Wyoming," July [?] 1937 (type- 
script), Yellowstone National Park Research Librar)', Yellowstone 
National Park, Wyoming. 

'' Bert Crowther to Claude Wickard, March 2"7, 1940 (copy), 
Clarence A. Bottolfsen Papers, ISA; New Jersey v. New York 
p. 283 U.S. 336 (1931). 

"' Stoutemeyer to Crandall, September 7, 1939, Idaho Reclama- 
tion Records. 

' North Side Canal Company v. State Board of Equaliztition of the 
State of Wyoming, 17 F(2d) 55. 

22 Annals p-" Wyoming: I he VVyoming Histori' Journal -- Summer 2005 

ins; of these waterworks probably was precluded for- 
ever starting in 1950. In that year, Congress extended 
the boundaries of Grand Teton National Park to Jack- 
son Lake and considerable terrain surrounding it, the 
Twin Lakes sector, and bodies oi water like Jenny 
and Leigh lakes. 

Meanwhile, Idahoans implemented their old plan 
for putting a new dam downstream from Jackson 
Lake. Federal reclamationists helped them. First, 
Bureau of Reclamation engineers determined that 
about 1,400,000 acre-feet of water could be im- 
pounded either at Johnny Counts dam site in Wyo- 
ming or at Palisades, an Idaho location eleven miles 
from Wyoming's western border. Secondly, federal 
reclamationists urged Idaho irrigationists to choose 
Palisades even though dam building at Johnny Counts 
would cost them lewer dollars. Such a choice might 
forestall new friction with Jackson people and pre- 
vent interference Irom Cheyenne authorities because 
the dam and nearly all of its water impoundment 
would be located within Idaho. '*^ Irrigationists con- 
curred. Finally, on December 9, 1941, Congress au- 
thorized the Bureau of Reclamation to build the Pali- 
sades waterworks; the bureau's reimbursement lor its 
new outlays would come trom payments by water 
users, sales of Palisades-generated electricity, and fed- 
eral charge-offs for flood control benefits.'" 

This water plan alarmed Wyoming public authori- 
ties and plentA' of Jackson people; worst of all, they 
argued, it sidestepped the big claims of Wyoming citi- 
zens to Snake water that originated in Wyoming, 
and filling Palisades reservoir yearly might even re- 
sult in Jackson farmers losing water enough to sus- 
tain their stock raising and small-time hay growing. 
Responding to such threats, Governor Miller de- 
manded that no Palisades construction happen in the 
absence of a Wyoming-Idaho water compact that pro- 
tected Wyoming's interests. New negotiations began 
in 1937. But the talks bogged down mainly over the 
same issues that earlier bedeviled such discussions. Fi- 
nally, two years later, Wyoming State Engineer L. C. 
Bishop offered another proposition: Wyoming state 
and local authorities would concede all control at 
Jackson Lake to the Bureau ol Reclamation and its 
Idaho clientele and not oppose damming at Palisades 
provided a new compact guaranteed 2,500 second- 

feet of Snake water yearly to Wyoming entities.'"' 

Bishop's proposal "astonished " the opposite side 
because, a Bureau of Reclamation lawyer pointed out. 
Bishop had proposed that, in dry years, Jackson people 
could monopolize nearly all of the Snake's "low wa- 
ter flow " ahead of any water ever flowing out of 
Wyoming. Subsequently, a water master claimed, the 
discussions degenerated to nothing because of an "un- 
yielding attitude of Wyoming that it be allowed first 
right to all of the water" it wanted and an "equally 
unyielding " posture of Idahoans who would settle 
only when the Snake was finally "regulated accord- 
ing to priorit)' of right " among water claimants."*' 
Exacerbating this standoff, the sides bickered about 
unrelated issues. They disagreed mostly about Salt 
River water resources at Star Valley and the water of 
Teton Creek, a stream heading at the eastern slope of 
Wyoming's Teton Mountains and emptying into 
Idaho's portion of the Teton River basin. 

Finally, the quarrel over Palisades subsided dur- 
ing World War II only for the issues to be revived 
again when after the war ended in 1945, Congress 
appeared likely to underwrite the proposed water- 
works at Palisades. Finally, Wyoming Governor Lester 
Hunt, bowing to what could be inevitable, offered a 
better deal than what Cheyenne authorities had ever 
proposed in prewar times — with concurrence of Jack- 
son residents, he would tolerate Palisades waterworks 
if, in Engineer Bishop's words, "a compact can be 
negotiated that will not adversely affect any estab- 
lished [water] rights" in Wyoming.^' Subsequently, 

■'" Stoutemeyer to Chief Engineer, October 3, 1935, Chief Engi- 
neer to Stoutemeyer, October 15, 1935, U.S. Bureau ot Recla- 
mation Records, Record Group 115, Engineering Correspon- 
dence Files, Box 784, Federal Archives and Record Center at 
Denver, Colorado; Ninth Annual [Bietuiial] Report of the De- 
partment of Reclamation, State of Ickho. 1935-1936 (N.R: n.p., 
1936), pp. 22-24. 

''' Project Data 1981. Water and Power Resources Service, U.S. 
Department of the Interior (Denver: U.S. Government Print- 
ing Office, 1981), p. 747. 

"» Walter Sheppard to C. Ben Ross, March 15, 1936, C. Ross 
Papers; Crandall, "Water Distribution to Hydrometric Work, 
District No. 36, Snake River, Idaho," January 1, 1938, p. 4 
(typescript), Idaho Reclamation Records. 

•" Stoutemeyet to Crandall, September 7, 1939, Idaho Recla- 
mation Records (1", 2"'' qtns.); Crandall to Bishop, June 11, 
1947 (copy), Robins Papers (other qtns.). 

« Bishop to Crandall, June 18, 1947, Robins Papers. 

Dams at Jackson Lake and Palisades in the Snake River's south fork watershed played major roles in sustaining Idaho's 
downstream irngation empire. Source: Project Data 1981, Water and Power Resources Division. US Department of the 
Intenor (Denver: Government Pnnting Office. 1981), Courtesy the author. 

Hunt remained conciliator)' because he helieveci that, 
like what had already happened at Jackson Lake, Pali- 
sades waterworks would eventually materialize despite 
all objections in his state. Moreover, Hunt opposed 
anv litigatino; over Snake River water even though 
Palisades might be cotmterattacked hv this tactic. As 
a consequence oi lawsuits, he argued, Jackson people 
"might be denied the use oi" [Snake] water" even tor 
their "reasonable needs." And to hicilitate the inter- 
state compact making that he desired, Htmt urged 
that nobody be "over-zealous in behalf of our respec- 
tive states."*' 

Neither federal reclamationists nor Idaho 
irrigationists rejected the negotiations that Hunt pro- 
posed, in fact, his initiative especially pleased the 

irrigatiomsts who were newl\' tantalized b\' the pros- 
pects of another 1 ,400,000 acre-feet of water at their 
disposal. Next, on July 3, 1948, Congress authorized 
Wvoming and Idaho, bv a compact, at last to allo- 
cate Snake water among themselves; too, as Hunt 
insisted. Congress permitted no damming at Palisades 
imtil all sides had accepted a new compact.'^ 

At four sessions, in 1 949, where discussion were 
confined to Snake water originating at Jackson Hole, 
thus excludincr distractions from different \X Voming- 

" Bishiop to L.C. Hunt, juK 8, 1048 (1 ', 2'"' qtns.). Hunt to Rob- 
ins, July 9, 1948 {5'^ qtn.), Robins Papers. 

" Project Diitii 1981. p. 747; "Minutes of the I'hird .Meeting ot 
the Snake Rivet Compact Commissioners. Held at Pocatello, 
Idaho, " lulv 29, 1949, p. (i (mimeographed), Robins Papers. 

24 Annais of VVvominc): The 'A'yoming HisloiA' Journal- Summer 2005 

Idaho quarrels over Teton Creek, Star Valley, and 
Falls River water resources, commissioners from the 
two states hammered out an agreement. Legislatures 
of the r\vo states readilv ratified it in 1950.^^ The 
agreement, in essence a "compromise," guaranteed 
lackson people what water experts deemed their right- 
ful share of Snake water while Idaho irrigationists 
got the lions share of it on grounds that little of Jack- 
son Hole's terrain was irrigable. More specifically, by 
complex formulas, Idahoans received ninety-six per- 
cent of the water in question, and Jackson people got 
four percent, an amount that included allowances 
for "existing and future uses for domestic and stock- 
waterino; purposes" and already "established water 
rights." In the opinion ol Robert Newell, federal 
reclamationist who participated in the compact de- 
liberations on behalt of the United States, the for- 
mulaic 96/4 allocation was so equitable that it pre- 
cluded Irom the talking an\' gratuitous water grab- 
bing bv either camp. For sake ol fairness, he ex- 
plained, the 96/4 allocation was "closely based on 
estimates of supplemental [extra] water needed for 
lands now irrigated" in Idaho and "the requirements 
of the most feasible future development" in Jackson 
Hole.^'' On the off-the-record side of these delibera- 
tions, Jackson people won several concessions, one 
of which entailed putting a federally operated fish 
hatcher)' at Jackson. In 1950, Congress funded the 
new hatchery.'* 

Under the 96/4 allocation of 1949, the needs of 
Jackson property holders for water were filled nearly 
always during the next fifty years. Only at extremely 
dr}' moments was there any significant water insuffi- 
ciency, and the Wyoming state government usually 
supplied remedies. For instance, in 1990, Governor 
Mike Sullivan acquired for Jackson users another 
thirty-three thousand acre-feet of Snake water that 
would ordinaril}' flow from Jackson Hole to storage 
at Palisades.^'' Partly Jackson s four percent allocation 
also sufficed because, in the 1 950s, Wyoming authori- 
ties sidestepped Pacific Northwest forces, mainly mak- 
ers of hydroelectric power and their federal allies such 
as the U.S. Army Corp of Engineers, that wanted a 
Columbia Valley Authority whose jurisdiction in- 
cluded Jackson Hole water resources. "''' Similarly, 
starting in the same decade, rieither could Denver 

municipal officials nor water users in western Colo- 
rado succeed when they attempted to transfer water 
out of Jackson Hole to the Colorado River basin. ^" 

In the same times, Jackson "resort interests" and 
other propert}' owners unexpectedly benefited in dif- 
ferent ways. After both states had ratified the Com- 
pact of 1949, Palisades waterworks were finished, in 
1957, at a cost of $74,400,000, and because of the 
holdover water at Palisades in most years, Bureau of 
Reclamation engineers usually dumped less water out 
of Jackson Lake. Hence, the smaller drawdown at 
the lake reduced flooding of Jackson property from 
releasing water from it, and the lake's sides were less 
cluttered by debris to the delight of tourists and lodge 
proprietors. But not all was gold that glittered. On 
account of drought in 1961 and periodically thereaf- 
ter, federal engineers emptied Palisades reservoir, and 
even after also drawing down Jackson Lake up to the 
allowable amount of 789,000 acre-feet of water, they 
could not satisf}' Idaho irrigationists. Consequently, 
the latter demanded a third dam across the Snake 
River behind which to save more of the Snake 
watershed's spring runoff in wet years for use in dry 
ones. Their preferred dam site was the so-called Nar- 
rows three miles upstream from the Wyoming-Idaho 

'^ "Snake River Compact: Minutes of tiie Formal Meetings of [tlie] 
Snake River Compact Commissioners," Februar)' 1, June 29, July 
29, October 10, 1949 (mimeographed), Wyoming Srate Engineer 
Papers, WSA; Wyoming Governor A.G Crane to Robins, Februar)- 
6, 15, 1950, Robins Papers. 

'" "Snake River Compact to Allocate the Waters of the Snake River 
between Idaho and Wyoming. . .," October 10, 1949 (mimeo- 
graphed), Wyoming State Engineer Papers, WSA; [Robert Newell], 
"Report to the Congress by the Federal Representative on the Snake 
River Compact, " n.d. (mimeographed), Robins Papers (qtns. 1, 7). 

' Dworshak to H.D. Forbush, May 23, 1956, Dworshak Papers. 

" Idaho Statesman, October 10, 1990, p. 2A 

^'' Robert G. Dunbar, Forging New Rights in Western Waters (Lincoln: 
University of Nebraska Press, 1983), p. 150. 

^" Dworshak to William A. Dexheirner, November 26, 1956, 
Dworshak Papers; Eastern Idaho Farmer (Idaho Falls), December 
18. 1958, p. 4; Stephen C. Schulte, Wayne Aspinall and the Shap- 
ing of the American West (Boulder: Universit)' Press of Colorado, 
2002), p. 103. 

^' H.T. Nelson to Frank Church, February 16, 1961 (copy), Crandall 
to Dwofshak, June 10, 1961, Dworshak Papers; Upper Snake River 
Basin: Wyoming — Idaho — Utah — Nevada — Oregon. Volume II: 
Land— Water— Flood Factors (Boise, Idaho/Walk Walla, Washing- 
ton: Department of the Interior, Bureau ot Reclamation Region 1/ 
Corps of Engineers. U.S. Army Engineer District, 1961), p. 27 

'- Minutes of [the] Committee of Nine, October 15, 1957, Dworshak 

• sijrrirer ijUD 

The new proposal generally appalled [ackson resi- 
dents tor they had assumed that, with Palisades on 
line, no more dams would he placed in the Snake 
watershed. To do otherwise, local officials had already 
announced, would cause flooding of too much "more 
privately-owned land" in Jackson Hole.^- In the end, 
nothing happened at Narrows. Instead of damming 
there. Congress barred fecieral reclamationists from 
btiilding anv more high-rise dams for Idaho 
irrigationists, and the latter foiuid no private finan- 
ciers to luiderwrite their damming at Narrows. 

Meanwhile, Compact of 1 '■)49 agreements, as well 
as the newer cessation of federal dam building on 
behalf of Idaho irrigationists, encouraged better feel- 
ings among Jackson locals toward federal 
reclamationists and Idaho irrigationists. Nonetheless, 
vestiges of the groups" old conflicts remained. Still 
deploring damming at Jackson Lake for any irriga- 
tion ptuposes, Jackson holdoius complained on sev- 
eral counts. Worst of all in their opinion, Idaho farm- 
ers still drew too much water from the lake, and the 
Btueau of Reclamation had seemingly perpetuated 
such conditions in the 1980s. In this decade, the bu- 
reau refurbished the old Jackson Lake waterworks and 
even redesigned the works to withstand earthquakes 
of 9.0 magnitude.^' 

Secondl)', there lingered iriitants arising inex'ita- 
bly from certain environmental and hvdrological 
consequences of irsing Jackson Lake ft)r iirigation 
purposes. For instance, in 2004, recreational boaters 
and fishermen complained that, bv releasing so much 

water from the lake each summer, the water washed 
enough vegetation and soil from downstream banks 
that silt muddied the Snake River too much. One of 
these people added that inasmuch as Jackson Lake 
and considerable downstream terrain were within 
Crand Leton National Park since 19S0, a property 
belonging to all American citizens, "lot[s] of us are 
questioning whether Idaho irrigators have the right 
to destro}' otu' propert\' just because the\' own the 
water" emptying from this lake."' 

Such complaining underscored how, in order to 
sustain grand-scale irrigation in Idaho, so many hy- 
drological consequences followed that the natural 
environment of Jackson Hole was altered for at least 
as long as irrigation institutions remained in place. 
Judging Jackson affairs from this environmental per- 
spective, Wyoming State Engineer Bishop had justly 
observed in I94<S, the "public interest" had been ill 
served when federal reclamationists and Idaho's down 
winders operated their Jackson waterworks and fi- 
nally won hegemon\' over a big part of Jackson Hole's 
water resoiuxes. From this same vantage point, it 
could also be argued, such exploitation proved an- 
cient charcres from W\-omin£! citizens who believed 
that their state stored up snow that became water for 
others who paid too little for the resoLUxe. 

^' John Rosholt, "Irrig.ition .iiul I'olitics,' Idaho Yatcrdayi 30 

(Spring/Summer l'),S(i): 11; l/Liho St,itaiii,iii, August 28, 

2003. p. h. 
■■" /dd/.w Statatihvi. April ", 200-4, p. 4. 

Jackson Lake Dam under construction. Courtesy Amencan Hentage Center, 

rats cf v'.'vominq: The VYvominq Hisiory Journal - Summer 20Q5 

Editor's note. The Spring 2005 
issue (?/ Annals of Wyoming in- 
cluded D. Claudia Thompsons ar- 
ticle "The Image of Tom Horn. " 
Unfortunately, when published, 
many of the article's footnotes were 
incorrect so Annals is republish- 
ing the footnotes in this issue. The 
notes fllow Ms. Thompson's ar- 
ticle " Tom Horn's Accusers. " The 
article about Horn in this issue 
features a document written by 
George Banks about Horn's time 
in Browns Hole in Colorado and 
was received by the American 
Heritage Center after the spring 
issue went to press. The document 
is an interesting footnote to Horn's 
story. The editor regrets the error 
(if die footnotes. 

Tom Horn in prison for the killing of 
Willie Nickell. Courtesy American 
Heritage Center. 

Tom Horn was hanged in November 1903. tor the ambush murder of fourteen-year-old Willie Nickell. 
I he case has generated controversy ever since, in large part because of the inadequacy of the evidence 
presented by the prosecution. Journalists at the time of the trial noted that only Horn's own "confes- 
sion" tied him convincingly to the murder. He, himself denied that the tale he told marshal Joe LeFors had 
been intended to be taken seriousK'. It was, he said, onlv part of a bragging match that both men were engaged 
in.' Horn's jury chose to believe the confession. One hundred years later, when the Wyoming State Museum 
took an unscientific poll of the public by setting up separate donation boxes for "guilty" or "not guilty," Horn 
was acquitted.' Certainly, by modern standards of jurisprudence, the Horn trial was a miscarriage of justice. 
The evidence in the Nickell case was too weak to justify^ the verdict. 

' Cheyenne Leader, October 22, 1902. 

- Laramie Boomerang, November 23, 2003. 

- .^!jrnr'"!rr .'IJ' ." 

But Tom Horn's contemporaries, and this prob- 
ably included his jurors, did not try him in their 
minds only on the evidence presented in the coiut- 
room." Horns occasional employment bv the Wyo- 
ming Stock Growers Association (WSGA) as a cattle 
detective had given rise to rumors that he was a hired 
assassin, and that his true business was to dispose of" 
homesteaders and small ranchers whose presence was 
obnoxious to association members. Horn was never 
tried, much less convicted, ot any of these other kill- 
ings, but the names ot his supposed victims have been 
passed down. Fwo ol the best known were Isom Dart 
and Matt Rash. 

Dart and Rash were residents ot Browns Hole, a 
mountain vallev in northern Colorado just under 
the Wyoming line. Dart was Af-rican-American and 
was well-liked b\' hill-time residents ot Brown's Hole. 
Rash was a leader ot the local settlers. Both were 
gunned down by an unseen assailant: Rash in July 
and Dart in October ot 1900. Brown's Hole resi- 
dents believed that the killer was Tom Horn.' 

A doctmient recently acquired by the American 
Heritage Center, University of Wyoming, supports 
this belieh The docimient takes the form ol a deposi- 
tion, although there is no evidence that it was ever 
submitted to any court. Instead, it was passed ciown 
in the writer's tamily and was never published. It is 
signed by George Banks, who, according to his de- 
scendants, lived in Brown's Hole in the early 1900s. 
Unfortunately, Banks did not date his deposition, so 
it is impossible to know whether it was written be- 
fore or after the rvvo murders. However, it Banks's 
testimony is vague as to dates, it is vet)' specific about 

Bar Ranch in Brown's Hole. The ranch's owner was 
Ora Haley, a man with large cattle interests in Wyo- 
mine, and a member ol the WSGA. Hicks, a visitor 
in the \'alley, was also identified as Tom Horn by 
Anne Bassett, who ranched with her brothers Elbert 
and George. The Bassett htmily had been located in 
the area since the 1 88()s. Anne Bassett's story was pub- 
lished in multiple parts in Colorado Magazitie in the 
l'^)'S()s.'' She wrote abtuu a man named [antes Hicks 
who came into the park looking lor a location lor a 
small ranch. He was invited to join the local roundup 
as cook. 

1 did not take kindK' to the new cook. His bragging 
that he had been a great Indian fighter, his boastlul, 
descriptive accounts ol the human slaughter he had 
accomplished singk'-handed, were exceedingly obnox- 
ious to me. I emphasized this point with vehemence 
in several heated arguments. . . He seemed to recognize 
the "Indian sign" as unlavorabie to his interests, and 
with a llims)' excuse to Mat Rash, lie remo\ed his 
carcass Irom the round-up. And that was the one and 
onh' time 1 saw fom Horn, alias lames Hicks. 

Shortly alter the murders ol Rash and Dart, 
Bassett was sitting alone at her li\'ing room table when 
two shots shattered her Iront door, barely missing 
her. In her mind, there was no doubt that Hicks had 
targeted her for murder just as he had previously tar- 
geted her Iriends.'^ She nearh' lost another Iriend that 
year, fhe Bassetts" neighbors, Mr and Mrs. E. B. 
Thompson, had cared for the Bassett children alter 
their mother's death. On Thanksgivine Day in 1900, 
"Longhorn " Thompson narrowK' escaped a shot fired 
Irom ambush. He lelt the valley soon alterwatds." 

I the undersigned wish to put in writing a Conversa- 
tion which 1 over beared [sic] between three men one 
being H. H. Bernard and one known as Hicks or 
Tom Horn and one known as Mexican Pete working 
lor the two bar.,.l heard Mr Bernard say now we 
have got to get rid ol these thieves and he says to Mr. 
Hicks: \'ou kill Rash and that negro and ihompson 
and notih' Annie and Elbert Bassett and |oe Daven- 
port to leave the countt)' and you can get your pay 
any time you want it.^ 

H. H. "Hi " Bernard was the manager ol theTwo- 

' See, for example, Laramie Boomerait^, October S, U102: "Back of 
this are tour other killings..." 

' Grace McClure, The Bassett Wodwii (Athens, Ohio: (,~)hio Univer- 
sity- Press^ 1986). pp. 80-83. 

Undated statement signed by George Banks, George Banks Pa- 
pers, Accession Number 1 HSO, American Heritage Genter. Uni- 
versity ot Wyoming. 

" Ann Bassett Willis, "Queen Ann of Brown's Park," The Coloraeio 
Magazine, April, 1932-January, 1953 (Denver: Historical Soci- 
ety of Colorado). 
Willis, Tl'e Colorado Magazine. |anuan', 19'i3, pp. 61-62. 

» Ibid., p. 66. 

" Willis, The Colorado Magazine. October 19?2. p. 284; McClure, 
pp. 70-86. 

Annals of Wyoming: The VVyoming Histon,' Journai -- Summer 2005 

Banks' testimony is further supported by a story 
in the Craig (Colorado) Courier that, "a letter was 
found among the effects of Isam [sic] Dart. . .warning 
the Bassett boys and Joe Davenport to leave the Park 
inside of 60 days or suffer the same fate..."'" If this 
letter was left by the murderer, it aligns with Banks' 
statement that these people were to be warned away. 
Before Christmas, the Bassetts and Joe Davenport 
had decided to visit friends in other parts for a while." 

Davenport later settled in Rock Springs, Wyo- 
ming, where he became a policeman. In 1929, he 
told his story to reporter George L. Erhard, who had 
a penchant for the poetic (not to say purple) in his 

Harkening back into the misty, ii" not hectic, past to 
uncover the daring adventures ot those sturdy pio- 
neers who knew no fear. . .dauntless men parched with 
desire [who] played their roles of continued adoles- 
cence by getting their ambitions gratified fir from the 
madding crowd. 

Those were the days of the real frontier west which 
has long since passed its vanishing point since civi- 
lized notions have severed all ties oi huekil pioneering 
unni it has dissolved into a mere epiphany with no 
absolute "west" remaining. It is lor present day folks 
to recite the epilogue that reveals the truth.'' 

After this introduction, Erhard let Davenport tell 
his story. According to the former cowman, Tom Horn 
"was said to be a hired assassin... He seemed to be 
everywhere and often went by the name of Tom 
Hicks. I was in many roundups with him: in foct I 
was in the spring roundup with him before he picked 
off Matt Rash." Davenport also asserted that "Tom 
Horn unquestionably killed Isom Dart" whom Dav- 
enport regarded highly.'^ 

Joe Davenport, Ann Bassett, and George Banks 
all accuse Tom Horn ol the mtuders committed in 
Brown's Hole during the summer and hill ot 1900. 
Their testimony is consistent with contemporary 
sources and each is consistent with the other, but none 
of it is sufficient for a modern courtroom. Bassett 
and Davenport merely reported popular rumors. 
George Banks only wrote down something that he 
overheard. Nevertheless, the three witnesses represent 
beliefs and attitudes about Tom Horn at the time. 

These stories were current throughout northern Colo- 
rado and southern Wyoming. They help to explain 
how a Cheyenne jury, just a few years later, managed 
to believe the unsupported confession of a drunken 

..<.: . 

1.1 -. ■:. .i-'.iii: 


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tic L'. .n >ii 

(above) First page of letter written by George Banks about 
overhearing conversation between H. H. Bernard, Tom 
Horn, and Mexican Pete, (below) George Banks. Courtesy 
George Banks Papers, American Heritage center. 

'" Craig (Colorado) Courier, October 20, 1900, as quoted in 

McClure, p. 84. 
" Denver Post, December 20, 1900, as quoted in McClure, p. 84. 
'- Rock Springs Rocket, March 1, 1929. 
" Rock Springs Rocket, March 1. 1929. 

■-itnq Histor,. Joirrai •• Su-^ir-er 2(;0^ 

Correction: Footnotes to The Image of Tom Horn., 
2005 Spring Annals ofVC^oming 

Details of the murder and arrest are to be totind in the C/it'ycuiic 
leader, Wyoming Tribune, and Liinimie Bm;iiner,ing, CVtober 1 1-22. 
l')02; book length biographie;, ot I'om Horn arc [')can lenton 
Krakel, The Stigti of Tom Horn (Laramie, Wyoming.: Powder River 
Publishers, 1934) and Chip Carlson, Tom Horn, Blood on the Aloon 
("Glendo, Wyoming: High Plains Press, 2001); recent periodical lit- 
erature includes Carol L. Bowers, "School Bells and Winchesters: 
The Sad Saga ot Glendolene Myrtle Kimmell," Anniih of Wyoming, 
73 (Winter 2001); and Murray L. Carroll, " Pom Horn .md the 
l.anghoti Gang," Annab of Wyoming, 64 (Sprnig l')')2). 
Cheyenne Leader, October 10, 1902. 

Tom Horn. Life of Tom Horn. Governnu'nt Samt ,mil ///tcrprcter 
(Norman, Oklahoma: University ol Oklahoma Press, I'Xw) p. 2^0. 

'' Horn, Ljfe of Tom Horn, p. 225. 

^ Larnmie Boonier,ing, October 5, 1002. 

'' Lamtnie Boomcning, January 13, 18, 1902. 

" Charles A. Siringo,/^ Cowboy Deteetiiie(\Anco\n. Nebraska, and Lon- 
don: LIniversit}' of Nebraska Press, 1988, reprint ot 1912 edition 
published bv WB. Conkey Company, Chicago); D.L Cook, Handi 
Up: Or. Twenry )'e,irs of Deteerive Life in the Mountains and on t/ie 
Plains (Norman, Oklahoma: L'niversin' ol Oklahoma Press, 19S(S). 

^ "Bill Barrow [sic] Tells About the Corner that Tom Horn Has on 
His Business," Lara?nie Boomerang, February 4, 1902. 

' Roeky Mountain News (Denver, Colorado), October 10, 25, 1902. 

'" Laramie Boomerang, October S, 1002. 

" Laramie Boomerang, ]An'a,\ry 13, 1002. 

'- Roeky Mountain News, October S, 11, 1002. 

" Gene Fowler, Timber Line: a Story of Bonfils and Tammen (New- 
York: Garden City Books, 1951), pp. 99, 120. Bill Hosokawa, 
Thunder in the Rockies: the Lncredible Denver L'ost (New Mirk: Will- 
iam Morrow & Co., Inc., 1976), p. 78. 

''' Quoted in The Wyoming Derriek (Casper, Wyoming), October M). 

" Rocky Mountain News, Octobet 25, 1002. 

"' Cheyenne Leader, ]d,ni\iry r, 1002; November 21, 190.^. 

'" Laramie Boomerang, November 21, lOOi. 

" Cheyenne State Leader, June ?, 1017. 

''' "Recalls Days ot 'Cattle War' Against Farms" (F.T "L^oc " Pierce), 
Chicago Sundity Tribune, August 26, 1023. 

'" "Life ot Tom Horn Recalled By Gun," Rock River Review, April 8, 
1926 (reprinted from Wheatland Times). 

"' Charles H. Coe, Jugghng a Rope (Pendleton. (Vegon: Haniley & 
Company, 1927). 

-- William MacLeod Raine, Famous Sheriffs and Western Outlaws (Gar- 
den Cit)', New York: Doubleday, Doran, & Compan\', 1929) p. 

"' "Tom Horn's Gory Deeds Recalled 24 Years Later, " Laramie Re- 
publican-Boomerang. November 19, 1927; "Tom Horn's Bloody 
Deeds Are Recalled 24 Years Later, " Torrington Telegraph. Novem- 
ber 19, 1927. 

-■' "Will Use Twenty-Five Year Old Ciallows Again," Rock River Re- 
vieii; December 20. 1928; "Horn Gallows Will Be Used," U>- 
ming State Tribune, December 20, 1928. 

-°' Denver Post, November 23-December 12, 1930. 

-" Sheridan Press, November 23, 1931, May 15, 1932. 

- Worland Grit, April 5, 1934; Rock Springs Miner, April 3, 1036. 

'" Sheridan Press, March 26, 1039. 

"'' "Tom Horn Case Is Recalled B\' Diirand t'scape, Sheridan Press, 
March 26. 1939. 

' Horn, l-ifeofTom Horn, p. 225. 
See Laramie Boomerang, lanuary 1^, 1002. I he article cites no 
intormant, so it is unclear whether Horn or s(>mebod\' else was 
Raine, Famous Sheriffs and Western Outlaws, pp. 80-01 . 

' Jav Monaghan, The Last of the Bad Men (Indianapolis: Bobbs- 
Merrill t:o., 1046) p. 13. 

' Lbid. p. 17. 

' Jettrey Wallmann. The Western: Families of ihc . -American Dream (Lub- 
bock: Texas Tec. h L'ni\ersit\' Press, 1000), p. l42. 

' Ibid.. 
Wyoming State Tribune, "In Old W\oming, b\' John ('harles 
Thompson, December 2, 1947. 

' Wyoming State I'ribune, November 23, 1043. 

' See Wyoming State Tribune, March 3, 1940; February 26, Decem- 
ber 2l', 1941; Februarv' 18, December 24, 25, 1942; May 4, 1944. 

' Wyoming State Tribune, December 2, 1947. 
Thennopolis Independent Record. August 21, 1947. 

■ Unidentified, undated clipping (ca. 19^05) in Tom Horn, Bio- 
graphical File, American Heritage C'enter. L'niversit)' ot W\'oming. 

' ^Riwlms Daily Times. July 24, foS2. 

' See tor example (Jasper Morning Star, November 20, 1952; Laramie 
Republican Boomerang. November 20, 1052; Rawlins Daily Times, 
November 21,1 0S2; University of Wyoming Daily News, November 
26, 10S2. 

' Dean Fenton Krakel, The Saga of Tom Horn. p. iv. 

' "Tom Horn's Barber" [tnos Laughlin], unidentified, undated (ca. 
1056) clipping in Tom Horn, Biographical File, American Heri- 
tage Center; "Saga ot Tom Horn Is No Legend To Cheyenne Man 
Who Knew Him [Hugh M. McPhee], Wyoming State Tribune, 
November 18. 1054. 

"Books Ibday review ot Krakel with reminiscences ot A.E. Roedel, 
Wyoming State Tribune, Februan' Id, 105,S. 

' W;illmann, 77)c Western, p. I'i2-T3. 

' Ibid., p. 157. 

' Mike Flanagan, Days of the West (Frederick. Colorado: Renaissance 
House, 1987), pp. 191-93. 

' Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid (20''' Centurv' Fox, 1 060). 

'- "'Just Couldn't Miss' Just Doesn't Make It" review in Denver Post, 
February 1, 1979. Details ot the plot and casting are taken trom 
this review. 

' International Movie Database, 
tt008003 1 /plotsummary. 

' Casper Star, October 31. 1070. 

' Chip Carlson, lom Horn: killing Men Ls My Specialty' (C'heyenne, 
Wyoming: Beartooth Corral, 1991), p. 2. 

' Wyoming Tribune-Eagle, September 18, 1903. 
Laramie Daily Boomerang, May 22, 1008. 

' Casper Star-Tribune, July 24. 1990. 

' Wyoming I'ribune-Eagle, November 14, 2003. 

'Jon Chandler, Wyoming VV;W (Waterville, Maine: Five Star, 2002). 
Lbid., p. 204. 

' Wyoming Tribune-Eagle, November 14, 2003. 

' Laramie Boomerang, November 23, 2003. 

' See interview with Chip Carlson, Laramie Boomerang, November 
23, 2003; Phil Roberts quoted in Laramie Daily Boomerang, May 
22, 1098; Carol Bowers quoted in Laramie Daily Boomerang, May 
22, 1998. 

' Carlson, lom Horn: Blood on the Moon, p. xv. 

' Laramie Daily Boomerang, May 22, 1998. 
Carol Bowers quoted in Laramie Daily Boomerang, May 22, 1998. 

' Laramie Boomerang, November 23, 2003. 
Cheyenne Leader, October 22, 1902. 

30 Annais of Wyoming: The VVyoming Hislop,' Journal -- Summer 2005 


Significant Recent Books 
on Western a„d 

Edited by . 

cariHaiiberg Wyoming History 

John Clay, Jr.: Commission Man, Banker and Rancher. 

By Lawrence M. Woods. Spokane: The Arthur H. Clark 
Company. 2001. 285 pages. Illustrations, notes, bibliog- 
raphy, index. Hardcover, $42.50. 

The West holds a special interest for not only 
Americans, but for people across the globe. 
It is the myth verstis the tactual West, but no 
matter what one reads, it is the cowboy who holds 
center stage for aficionados of the nineteenth cen- 
tury American West. Cowboy, cows, open range 
equals freedom. Or does it? It is more myth than 
reality. As with most business endeavors, the worker 
toiled long hours lor little pav and owners/managers 
reaped the profits. So too it was with the western 
cattle industry ot America. 

This is the story of a Scotsman who came to 
America and struck it rich in the beef bonanza, who 
managed several large livestock companies and lived 
the hi^h lite in Chicago. Lawrence M. Woods, a re- 
tired oil executive and historian who lives in Worland, 
Wyoming, examines the life of John Clay. Born in 
1851, Clay was educated in Scotland, managed farms, 
and worked lor his lather. All of this learning was put 
to good use in 1 874 when he traveled to the United 
States and Canada. Visiting farms, such as Bow Park 
near Brantlord, Ontario, he made business connec- 
tions and impressed the right people, which in turn 
led to his appointment as manager ol Bow Park in 
1879. In the same year, Clay was appointed assistant 
commissioner of the new Royal Agricultural Com- 
mission which oversaw Scottish investments in the 
burgeoning cattle industry throughout the American 
West. Clay moved to Chicago in 1882 and it served 
as his headquarters throughout his reign as one of the 
most important cattle managers and financiers dur- 

ing the cattle boom of the 1880s. 

Ol special interest to Wyoming readers is the time 
Clay spent as manager of the Swan Land and Cattle 
Company and as president ol the Wyoming Stock 
Grower's Association from 1890-96. Early experience 
had taught Clay that rustling was a serious problem 
in Wyoming. The Wyoming Stock Grower's Asso- 
ciation set up a detective bureau in 1883. Well-fi- 
nanced range detectives, including Tom Horn, lol- 
lowed leads and brought action against rustlers - 
which might include lynching. Kate Watson, whom 
Clay called "Cattle Kate," and James Averell were 
two such casualties. Violence between small farmers/ 
ranchers and the big cattle outfits escalated into a 
range war in Johnson County. Was Clay involved? 
Woods presents information to describe the circum- 
stances and known events and lets the reader " 
cide upon the most probable conclusion in an analv- 
sis that can never be made with certainty" (p.l 11). 

Clay, "the Majordomo ol the western cattle in- 
dustry" (p. l4l), continued to operate from Chicago, 
managing the Swan Land and Cattle Company dur- 
ing two tenures including the years the company 
raised sheep. Clay's business enterprises were exten- 
sive and he created a substantial financial empire. John 
Clay & Company owned lending banks in Nebraska, 
South Dakota, Montana, and Wyoming. As the 
nations economy weakened in the early 1930s, some 
ol these banks closed or were liquidated, but John 
Clay & Company continued to receive profits from 
other ventures. Clay died in 1934 and left an estate 
valued at more than $1.1 million. 

Clay was a prolific writer and much of what we 
know about him comes from his own pen. His My 
Life on the Range (1924) is a classic. This current bi- 
ography facilitates a renewed interest and compre- 

Annals ofiA'voi::in;i Tl'e vV 

hension of this talented man who Hved through such 
important years in the history of the American West. 

Patricia Ann Owens 

Wabash Valley College 

Mt. Carmel, Illinois 

Army Architecture in the West: Forts Laramie, 
Bridger, and D.A. Russell, 1849-1912. 3y Allison K. 
Hoagland. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2004. 
35 pages. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. Cloth, 

When most people think o\ forts in the 
American West, the\- en\'ision a stockade 
with blockliouses on each corner, nor- 
mally surrounded bv Inclians attempting to storm 
the walls. These popidar images are carefully 
deconstrticted b\' Allison Hoagland m her most re- 
cent book, Aiii/y AnhitcctHrc iii the \\cit. Hoagland 
takes the reader on a tour of three forts in Wyoming 
and along the wav paints a very different picture than 
that imagined through film and popular lore. These 
forts rarely had stockade walls and presented open 
grotmd plans that allowed access to anyone. "Fhev 
also expressed eastern cultural and social influences 
as officers and enlisted men attempted to recreate 
some of the comforts of home and sen.'ed as examples 
of Anglo American culnu'e and "civilization.' 

This book examines how the LInited States Army 
visibly expressed various ideologies through fort ar- 
chitecture. The three forts selected for this study — 
Laramie, Bridsier, and D.A. Russell — offer Hoagland 
analytical tools for discussing the broader develop- 
ment of arm\' posts in the western United States. 
Hoagland describes three distinct developmental 
phases that each fort experienced: the fort as oiupost, 
as small village, and as modern institution. 

Through each of these phases, Hoagland master- 
tulh' describes how the fort served the needs of 
broader societal forces as well as shaping the more 
intimate lives of the enlisted men, officers, and fami- 
lies stationed at these posts. During each of the de- 
\elopmemal phases, the forts sen-ed as landscapes that 
instructed as well as defended United States citizens 
as they moved west. They were also places where class, 
gender, and racial hierarchies interacted and shaped 

the architecture and settings of the forts. Of particu- 
lar interest is Hoagland's examination of the influ- 
ence of gender on the material culture of these forts. 
Women, who accompanied men to these installations, 
shaped the interiors of the buildings and used the 
spatial relationships of the forts to recreate and af- 
firm social and class hierarchies. 

While the focus of the stud\' is architectiu'e, 
Hoagland also includes in-depth analysis of a wide- 
range of material culnu'e at these pt^sts. Her discus- 
sions of the evoltuion of various types of officer and 
enlisted housing focus on physical setting, furnittire, 
and struggles to include heating, plumbing, and more 
room for soldiers and their families. As she described 
the de\'elopmenr of these forts, Hoagland situates their 
material culture within the broader forces of stan- 
dardization and professionalization evident in late 
nineteenth century American cultiue. For example, 
b\' the turn of the centtn\'. Fort I^.A. Russell exem- 
plified this trend as the arm\' standardized the de- 
signs of buildings, contracted out construction to ci- 
vilian firms, and rationalized the landscapes of miH- 
tar)' posts. 

Ar}}iy Airl'itcctuiv hi the West is an excellent ex- 
ample of the how the sttid\- of architecttire and mate- 
rial culture broadens our understanding of the West. 
Hoagland, throtigh her analysis of these three forts, 
helps readers to understand that arm\' forts articu- 
lated more than militar\- power, functioning also as 
visifile reminders of the power of American culture 
in the West. 

Robert McCoy 
Washington State University 

A View from Center Street: Tom Carrigen's Casper. 
By Mark Junge. Casper: The :.:-',i-.:, r-..;..dtion, 
2003. Xvi + 272 pages. Illustrations, bibliography, 
index, hiardcover, $49.95. 

Mark lunge's latest book is a look at the life 
and photography of Thomas Carrigen, a 
C.asper commercial photographer and 
amateui' artist who chronicled people and places in 
the central Wyoming city from the 1920s through 
the 19S0s. The publication was a cooperati\'e ven- 

32 Annals of VVvomina: The VVvonnnq History Journal -- Summer 2005 

ture sponsored by the McMurry Foundation and the 
State of Wyoming and the first project undertaken 
by the Wyoming Department of State Parks and 
Cultural Resources in its Historian in Residency pro- 
gram. The book features more than two hundred of 
Carrigens luminous images, providing a masterfully 
reproduced sampling of the photographers extant 
collection of approximately thirty thousand negatives 
housed at the Wyoming State Archives. Junge s work 
brings to light the remarkable career and hardscrabble 
life of a respected Casper businessman who has been 
largely forgotten. 

Tom Carrigen photographed the boom-and-bust 
ciu' between World War I and World War II, a pe- 
riod in which the economy depended on the vigor of 
the oil industry. Most of the images were created at 
Carrigens own DeLuxe Studio housed on the sec- 
ond floor ot the Daly Building in the downtown 
district. This handsome book features shots of the oil 
town's local civic, fraternal, and social clubs, Casper 
denizens, school groups, buildings that have come 
and gone, and scenes of small-town life that have 
largely disappeared. Carrigens own story is inter- 
twined with Casper histor\' and is told through one 
thousand tamily letters dating from Toms birth in 
1896 to his death in 1967. It includes charming let- 
ters written by Tom and his wife, Eva, during their 
WWI courtship. Without this himily histor}' provid- 
ing context and background, the story would lose 
much of its depth and would have less reader inter- 

It is surprising that the images have survived at 
all. Junge relates that Carrigens delicate nitrate nega- 
tives went from his portrait studio to the basement 
of a Casper business. The collection was then trans- 
ferred to the family cabin on Casper Mountain where 
it spent many years before Carrigens daughter, 
Eleanor, donated the collection to the state. Junge 
notes that the photographer s radiant images were not 
"mechanical poses set up by a disinterested techni- 
cian. ' The book beautifully captures this aspect of 
Carrigens work by showcasing his interesting char- 
acter studies, crisp interior shots of local businesses, 
and fascinatingly detailed on-the-spot images of town 
events, whether indoors or outdoor: . 

The pictures and book will probably have more 

local and regional interest rather than national, but 
that does not take away from the artistry of the im- 
ages and the fact that they are a rich source of Casper 
history as well as small-town American life. Junge 
provides a large number of high school portraits, team 
photos, and class scenes. Although these photographs 
are equally as good as Carrigens other work, it would 
have been interesting to see more variety from the 
large collection of existing images. Another good ad- 
dition to the story would have been a few interviews 
with surviving subjects photographed by Carrigen to 
get a better feel lor his personable st}4e. In parts the 
text needs to be tightened, particularly in the sec- 
tions pertaining to Casper history. The prehistoric 
record of the region and a look into the 1980s and 
1990s seems inappropriate in this book that features 
a very specific thirty-five-year time period. But these 
are only minor flaws in an otherwise splendidly pro- 
duced book that is a credit to Junge and the organi- 
zations that assisted in its creation. 

Leslie C. Shores 

American Heritage Center 

University ofVtyoming 

Captain Harry Wheeler; Arizona Lawman. By Bill 
Neal. Denton, Texas: Eakin Press, 2003.190 pp, in- 
cluding photos, index, bibliography and endnotes. 

Harry Wheeler was the third Ranger captain, 
a man O'Neal calls "one of the most dedi- 
cated, controversial, and lethal peace offic- 
ers ever to serve Arizona. Captain Harry Wheeler is 
the kind of man functioning as a hero in a Western 
film of the 1940s and '50s, except Harry Wheeler's 
story is true." 

Wheeler applied to the two-year-old Arizona 
Rangers in 1903 and was accepted. Within four 
months, he was promoted to sergeant, reporting to 
legendary Ranger Captain Thomas Rynning. By 
1905, Wheeler had reached the rank of lieutenant 
and had been involved in his first gunfight, killing a 
robber who was trying to hold up a Tucson saloon 
(Wheeler would eventually rack up another three vic- 
tims, all in the line of duty). When Rynning resigned 

in 1 907, Wheeler took his place as captain of the Ari- 
zona Rangers. He was the only man in the brief his- 
tory oi the force to carry all ranks. 

For the next two years, Wheeler would prove to 
be a formidable leader of the organization. But b\' 
1909, the Rangers was disbanded, a victim of politi- 
cal infighting, and Wheeler had to find another job. 
In 1911, he was elected sherifi of Cochise Count)', a 
position he would hold for more than six vears. 

One incident that had nothing to do with crimi- 
nal activity would stand out large, giving him more 
fame (and infamy) than he'd ever dreamed oh In July 
1917 the International Workers of the World (IWW), 
or Wobblies, announced a strike in the mining town 
of Bisbee. This was around the time that America was 
entering World War 1. Work stoppages could limit 
the amount of copper intended for the war effort. 
Many folks, including super patriot Harr\' Wheeler, 
believed that wartime strikes were luipatrionc so he 
deputized hundreds of men and went after the IWW. 

More than 1 ,000 men were rounded up, herded 
into cattle cars and shipped to New Mexico. It was 
called the Bisbee Deportatittn, and Wheeler was the 
litihtninc rod for criticism and acclaim. Lawsuits were 
filed, a recall effort was launched, and the sheriff found 
himself scrutinized by media from around the globe. 
Wheeler would be forever haunted b\' the incident, 
altht)ugh he also never wave reef in taking full respon- 

It was all downhill from there, as Wheeler couldn't 
find a professional niche up to his untimely death in 
1925 at age fifty. So Harr\' Wheeler is something of a 
tragic figure, a man deciicated to public service who 
was frequenth' thwarted b\' events beyond his con- 
trol. He is best known for an incident that covered 
just a few days but it was an incident that tended to 
overshadow all of the outstanding deeds acquitted 
over a thirty-vear span. Wheeler should have haci sev- 
eral years to reclaim his reputatit)n and standing, but 
he died before his time. 

Fortunately for Wheeler and his descendants. Bill 
O'Neal has squared the books on the lawman. And 
that's fortunate for us, too. Captdi)i Hiirry Wheeler is 
a t}'pical O'Neal product. It is concise, well-written, 
fast-paced, and loaded with plenty of photos and il- 
lustrations. There's no fat for the reader to cut off in 

an attempt to get to the meat of the matter. Yet the 
language is colorful and descriptive, painting an in- 
teresting and accurate picture of early twentieth cen- 
tury Arizona. 

O'Neal also employs a special feature of several 
sidebar stories related to Wheeler. We learn what 
fombstone was like when Wheeler was sheriff of 
Cochise County, some thirty years after its heyday. 
There's information on the National Rifle Associa- 
tion, of which Wheeler was a proud member; he loved 
to participate in NRA sponsored shooting contests, 
and he won more than his share. We read his pub- 
lished statement to the public about the Bisbee De- 

Ciiptiiiii Hiirry Wlh'eler is the culmination of more 
than twent\' years of research, dating back even be- 
fore O'Neal wrote an article about the man in 1986. 
The sources include the Arizona Ranger files — at 
least those that survived a 1921 fiood — now located 
in that state's archives. The author also cites a num- 
ber of letters housed at the Arizona Heritage Center 
in Tucson, contemporary newspapers, books, articles, 
and even a diary kept by Wheeler's brother. It's about 
as complete as it could be, an O'Neal hallmark. 

Bill O'Neal says Harry Wheeler was one of the 
top lawmen in southwest history, working for an Ari- 
zona Ranger organization that has been sorely over- 
looked through the years. After reading this book, 
it's hard to debate that point. Captain Harry \\'7.>ee/er: 
Arizona Laiunuui is an important addition to the out- 
law/lawman canon and a fine tribute to a dedicated 
public serx'ant. 

Mark Boardnian 
Lafayette, IN 

Editor's Note: After reading tl?e spring 2005 iane 
^;/ Annals of W\'oming. one of our reaelers eon- 
taeted ))ie about a eorreetion. Tlie plnnograpl) o)i 
page 12 is of St. Mieiuiel's Mission at Etlu-te, inn 
St. Step/h'ii's Mission. 

Annals ofWvomina: The VVvominQ HistoiA' Journal -- Summer 2005 



Daniel Davis 

Elwood Mead, Arid Land Cession, and the Creation of the Wyoming System of 

Water Rights, page 2 

Dan Davis grew up in Worland, Wyoming, and attended tlie University of Wyoming where 
he received bachelors and master's degree in history. In graduate school he worked as a 
student assistant for the American Heritage Center and took archival studies classes. After 
completing internships at the Sweetwater Count}' Historical Museum in Green River, and 
the Buffalo Bill Historical Center in Cody, the American Heritage Center hired Dan as a 
processing archivist working with western histon.' collections. He was only in that position 
for a month before he moved to the reference department to become the photo archivist. 
Dan worked as the photo archivist for a little over three years before joining the Special 
Collections & Archives Department at Utah State Universiu' as the photograph curator in 
2000. In his current job Dan is responsible for the historic photograph collections in the 
Special Collections & Archives department including cataloging, acquisition, preservation, 
and reference. Outside of work Dan enjoys fly-fishing, hiking, camping, and golfing. Dan 
and his wile Ashlee currently live in Nibley, Utah. 

Hugh Lovin 

Jackson Hole Water Resources, Federal Reclatnationists, and Idaho Imgationists, 

page 15 

Hugh Lovin is Protessor Emeritus of History at Boise State Universit}', Boise, Idaho. He has 
written several books, including Histories of Federal RecLiDiatioii Projects in Idaho Since 1914, 
and published many articles in such historical journals as Pacific Northwest Quarterly; Idaho 
Yesterdays; Montana, the Magazine of Western History; Agricultural History; Arizona and the 
West; and Annals of Wyoming. 

D. Claudia Thompson 

Tojn Horn's Accusers, page 26 

D. Claudia Thompson has been an archivist at the Universiu' of Wyoming for twenty 
years, working with primary resource materials from many periods of history. She has 
published articles in historical journals, such as Annals ofWyoming and Montana: The 
Magazine of Western History. She received an M.A. in Librarianship from the University' of 
Denver in 1978. In 1984 she moved to Laramie, Wyoming, where she is presently em- 
ployed as the manager of Arrangement and Description at the American Heritage Center: 
the archives, manuscripts, and rare books repository ol the University ofWyoming. 

Annals of IVvominq The Wyoming Hi5ior\' Journal - Summer 2005 35 


Alhngln, Horjce 19 

Aniiy Architecture in the West: Forts Laramie, 

Bntiger. and D.A. Russell. 1849-1912, h>- 

Allison K. Hoagland, reviewed 32 
Banivs, George 27-28 
Bassetr, Annie 27-28 
Bassett, Elhert 27-28 
Bear River 16 
Bernard, H,H, 27 
Bisiiop. 1 .C. 22, 25 
Browns Hole. Colorado 27 
Buffalo Creek 17 
Burritt, C.H. 8 
Carey Acr 13, 15 
Carey. Joseph M. 3, 12-13 
Carey. Robert 18-20 
Carroll, Joe 10 
Chatterron, Feniniore 16 
Cheyenne Daily Leader 10-11 
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Da\- Saints 

Cofteen, Henn>' 12 
Colorado 5-7, 9, 16, 24 
Colorado Agricultural College 5 
Cooper, Thomas 16 
Crandall, l\nn 17 
Dart, Isom 27-28 
Davenport, Joe 27-28 
Davis, Daniel, author 2-14, (hio 33) 
Davis. David 18 
Desert Land Act 1 1 
"Elwood Mead. Arid Land Cession, and the 

Creation of the Wyoming System of Water 

Rights," by Daniel Davis 2-14 
Emerson, Frank 18, 20 
Emma Matilda Lake 17 
Erhard, George L. 28 
Fort Collins. Colorado 5 
Grand Tetons 19 

Grand Teron National Park 19, 22, 25 
Green River 21 
Gros Ventre River 17-18 
Haley. Ira 27 
Hoagland. Allison K., Army Architecture in 

the West: Forts Laramie. Bridger, and D.A. 

Russell. I8'i'>-I912. reviewed 32 
Hollida)-. W'.H. 10 
Horn. Tom 26-28 
Hunt. Lester 22-23 
Idaho 16-25 

Iowa Agricultural tAillege 5 
Izaak Walton League. W\'omine division 19 
Jackson Hole. Wyoming 15-25 
'Jackson Hole Watet Resources, Federal 

Reclamationists, and Idaho Irrigationists." 

bv Hugh lovin 15-25 
lackson Lake 16-22, 24-25 

Jenny Lake 17-18 

John Clay. Jr.: Commission Man, Banker and 

Rancher, by Lawrence M. Woods, reviewed 

Johnston, (, larencc 16 
Johnston, LA. 6, 8 
LeFors, Joe 26 
Leigh Lake 17-18 
Lovin, Hugh, "Jackson Hole Water Re 

sources. Federal Reclamationists. and Idaho 

Irrigationists" 15-25 (bio ^^) 
Mathet, Stephen 18-20 
McCoy, Robert, re\'ie\ver of .-irmv Architect- 
ure in the West: Forts Laramie. Bridger, and 

D.A. Russell 18^9-1912 
Mead, Elwood 2-14; photos 2, 5 
Mead, Florence 13 
Miller, Leslie 20-21 
Minidoka water project 16 
National Park Service 18-19 
Nettleton, E.S. 5 
Newell, Frederick 16 
Newell. Robert 24 
Nickell, Willie 26 

Osgood Land Livestock C'ompain 17-18 
Owens. Patficia Ann, re\iewer of fohii Clay. 

Jr: Commission Man. Banker and Rancher 

Palisades, Idaho 22-25 
Parshall, A.J. 16 
Powell, John \\esle\- 16 
Rash, Matt 27 
Reclamation Act of" 1 902 25 
Riverton, Wyoming 15 
Rockefeller, John, Jr. 18 
Ross, William 19-20 
Salt Fliver 16, 22 
Snake River 17, 20-24 
Sullivan, Mike 24 
Teton Creek 16, 22, 24 
Teton Irrigation CAimpan\ 17 
Fhompson, D.t.laudia, author 26-28, (bio 

Lhompson, F^.B. 27 
"Tom Horns Accusers," by D. Claudia 

1 hompson 26-28 
Twin Lakes 17-22 
Two Bar Ranch, Colorado 27 
Two Ocean Lake 17 
L'.S. Bureau of Land Management 2-3 
U.S. Reclamation Ser\'ice 16-18, 22, 24-25 
Utah 16-17 

L'tah-Idaho Sugar Companv 17, 21 
Warren, Francis Fl. 3, 6, 13 
Whiting, John 20-21 

Woods, Lawrence M., John Clay. Jr: Comm- 
mission Man. Banker and Rancher, reviewed 


Worster. Donald 25 

Wyoming Derrick 13 

Wyoming State Museum 26 

Wyoming Stock Growers Association 10, 27 

Wyoming water law 2-14 

Wyoming Wool Growets Association 16 

Yellowstone National Park 19 

36 Aina-s of VVvominq: The Wyoming Historx' Journal - Summer 2Q05 



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"A Classless Society": Dude 
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Amanda Rees 

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"A Classless Society": 
Dude Ranching in the Tetons 1908-1955' 

The Bar BC, one of the early dude ranches to take advantage of the scenic beauty of the Grand Tetons. 
Courtesy Daniel Greenburg Papers. Amencan Heritage Center, University of Wyoming. 

It wds a cLisslcss snciery hill of cLiss. where r/ie swugger of Western horsemen blended on equal terms with the swagger of 
ad\enturous. anticonventional Eastern anstocracv. Everyone — ranchers, Jacksi)n storekeepers, hired hands, dudes — were 
caught up in this society, mvoh-ed in the intense feuds and friendships, the bitter causes (park extension and related problems), 
took sides, cheated on each other seHing horses and playing poker, loved, hated, even married each other. Every other ranch, 
particularly down the west side of the Snake River, was owned by an old dude of thcj'l ' or the Bar BC or the later White 
Gniss. Nathaniel Burt. 1983- 

The American West is home to one of the 
world's most distincti\x- agricultural tourism 
activities: ducle ranching. The ranching ex- 
perience, mixed with a desire for a wilderness expe- 
rience as a viewer, hiker, angler, and hunter, has pro- 
foundly shaped dude ranching in Wyoming's Grand 
Teton region. However, one of the least discussed 
aspects of dude ranching that has shaped this touris- 
tic endeavor is the issue of class. As Burt's quotation 
above suggests, during the first half of the twentieth 
century one of the more appealing aspects of being a 
dude in the West was, at least for easterners, that it 
was perceived to be a very egalitarian space. A place 
where class could be shed hke an old rattlesnake skin, 
or dumped like a heavy "Victorian dresser on the 
Oregon Trail, having outlived its usefulness. The be- 
lief that the West was, and is, a classless, egalitarian 
society pervaded western fiction and nonfiction writ- 

Special thanks goes to the American Heritage Center for provid- 
ing a generous teaching grant, to my Tourism and Recreation 
students who explored dude ranching from a rich variety of 
perspectives and focused on Grand Teton National Patk dude 
ranches, and published their work to share at http:// 
dit.'ital.uwyo.cdu/webarchive/trgrants/'200^/ ranch/ranch, htm . 
Their work inspired me to explore Wyoming dude ranching to 
a much greater extent. I am deeply grateful to the University ot 
Wyoming-National Park Service Research Center for providing 
a research grant to continue my interest in the landscapes of 
dude tanching in the summer of 2004. Thanks also go to Pam 
Holtman, historian at Grand Teton National Park, the Jackson 
Hole Historical Society, in particular Lokey Lytjen and het staff, 
Dr. Robert Righter and Dr Sherry Smith tor their time and 
rellections, and Dr. Philip Roberts tot his encouragement. 
Thanks also to wonderful stories told by Robert Rudd, Harold 
Turner, and Louise Davenport. Finally, thanks to my husband 
David tor his support and assistance with locating and map- 
ping the Teton dude ranches, and to my little daughter Gwyneth 
who was such good company as we seatched tor these touristic 

Nathaniel Burt, /acAson Hole Journal {Norman: University of 
Oklahoma Press, 1983). 

i'nals of VVvomuic, i he '/Vvof^nc Hislcrv Jojrna - Ai.iumn 20u5 

int;, and it has ccrtamU' shaped rliiiikint; ahnur aiul 
writiiiL; about elude tancliini;. 

Usint; a case stud\ of t\\ent\-()ne ekide ranches 
operating; between I'^OS anti \')^^ m what is now 
Grand Teton National Park, we explore what lIluIc 
ranchiuL; is, its licographw the relationship between 
dtide ranchinu and the establishment ot Grand Teton 
National Park, and the history of dude ranchini; as a 
business activit\' tiirout;h the prism of class. Resources 
used include ad\ertisinu b\- iiuli\idual elude ranches, 
the Dude R.uich Association, railroael companies, air- 
lines, and the state of \\'\-ommu, as well as bioL;raphi- 
cal and autobiographical materials. In working to 
characterize the complex, class-laden business/tourist 
relationship between the dude/dudeen (female dude), 
and their dude ranch, this essay explores the wa\s in 
which social class remained an important part of shap- 
ing who came to Teton ekide ranches upi until the 

What is Dude Ranching? 

Historically, elude ranch oper.itors and the asso- 
ciation that re[iresented them, have controlled the 
meaning of the term duele r.mching, .uid m doing so 
they ha\e taken a business pers|^ecti\'e emphasizing 
the management of the operation. Ho\\e\er, others, 
such as cit\' business organizatu)ns seeking to ele\elop 
tourism as a source of revenue, ha\'e promotetl dude 
ranching emphasizing the eliule or tourist. To estab- 
lish a elefinition embracing both business and the 
dude/tounst experiences, we neeel to elraw upon the 
work of the Dtide Ranch Association (DRA) along 
with several dude ranch historians anel other tourism 
oriented organizations. 

At its inception, the Duele Ranch Asse)Ciation in- 
cludeel three types of businesses in its clefinition ol 
eluele ranching: working stock ranches located in the 
plains and foothills of the Rocky Mountains, moun- 
tain ranches that took aehantage of elramatic land- 
scape aesthetics, anel tinalK-, hot springs resorts and 
spas. Propelled b\- the railroads that helped to create 
the DR/\ (the railroads en\'isioneel a stead\' increase 
in dude ranch traffic on their roLites), the third "re- 
sort/spa" group was an uncomfortable fit, and even- 
tually ciisappeared from DRA membership.' 

Dude ranches were lelentifieel as businesses that 

diel not aecept walk-m traffic, pro\'ided accommoda- 
tie>n on the American Plan (all meals inclueleel), aiul 
createel a particular aesthetic experience that com- 
bined a family-like ranch atmosphere with acti\ities 
focused arounel the horse. 

Grand Teton National Park historian John 
Daugherty has identified another eliarac. teristic of 
duele ranching, of laiiel ownership. He draws a 
strong distinction between those ranches that owneel 
their own land anel those that leaseel from the Forest 
Service aiul the National l-'ark Service. Howe\'er, there 
were several businesses that operateel through a lease 
or concessionaire s\'stem, stich as the Iriangle X and 
the Teton Boys Camp. Thus this distinction seems 
less meaningful. 

In addition to the DRA's criteria and Daugherty's 
rec|iiirement lor laiiel ownership, Lawrence Borne's 
stud\' of dude ranehes empihasizes the businesses as 
\ear-roi.ind homes for the owner, situated in the 
American West, placed in remote picturesc]ue regions, 
and offering an atmosphere of a ranch familw How- 
ever, Borne's definition is a surprisingh' elilfictilt fit 
for the moLintam retreats createel in the Jackson Hole 
area. Few of these eluele ranches were homes for the 
owner throughout the year. Life in the winter be- 
tween six thousand anti se\en thousauel feet is ex- 

Thc tL-rm lLiss is liscxI to siii^i^csc partieiilar levx-ls of social or 
uconomic statLis that .irc elittcrenti.iCfel. These status !e\els in- 
cUide the working class, the middle cKiss. and the tipper or 
chtc class. These classes are relati\'elv permanent and homo^;- 
enoLis strata ol s()Ciery that tend to diller in their stattis. ticcti- 
pations, eeltication, possessions, .nul \alties. 

John Daiit,'hett\', A PLtcc C' Hole The^ric Re- 
source Snidy ol GrjnJ Tcrou (Ah uisc. Wyommt;: 
Cjrand Teton National Park, N'arional Park Service, l'>"-)4). p. 
2Js. Toilav, the UR.X iiK hides in its membership ranciies 
that abide by the lohowmL; rules: ranches should exemplify 
tile western ranch ideal of personal, homelike hospitality and 
atmosphere, operate ptim.irily on the American Plan, must be 
horse-orientei,! with western rKlinu insttnction. stock must be 
well LLiretl for .iikI eijLiipment in i^ood tep,iir, eltinnu primary 
i;tiest season must cater to registered guests only (minimum 
of a three-night stay), no transient trade, no selling ot indi- 
vielual meals/livery services to public, and no public bar. A 
more fully artieulated set ot rules of Dude Ranch Association 
membershi[s can be fotinel .ir the associatKin's website htcp:// 
www.duderanch.ore/recjuirements.htm accessed Tuly 1, 200-1. 
'' Lawrence R. Borne, DuJc R.tnchini:: A Complete H/sron-(AIbu- 
c]uerc]ue: University of New Mexico Press, 198.1). 

4 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2005 

tremely hard on ranchers and rhcir Hvestock. Cattle 
and horses were otten wintered m other more hospi- 
table chmates. Many ot the (.lude ranch owners, 
though not all, were wealthy easterners who returned 
to the East along with their dudes at the end ot the 
summer season. Thus, tew dude ranches were year- 
round homes and so a ranching tamily atmosphere 
was not the central focus ot the dude ranch nexus 
under scrutiny here. 

To establish an authentic Western experience, one 
method was to partner an easterner with an experi- 
enced westerner. In a very few cases ducie ranchers, 
such as Nathaniel Burt, managed to mingle their East- 
ern credentials and connections with their love and 
experience of the West into a successful operation. In 
addition to the detmition ot a year-round. Western 
ranch tamily experience. Borne points out that his- 
torically not only did dude ranches accept individu- 
als by reservation, they otten rec]uired references trom 
dudes." The request for references is one ot the im- 
portant keys to understandmg how dude ranching 
was shaped by class. 

The DRA, Daugherty, and Borne's definitions set 
up some general characteristics for defining dude 
ranching trom a business perspective. Dude ranch- 
ing rarelv kept to these rules, especially in the Grand 
Teton region. Indeed, this owner-operator-associa- 
tion perspective does not include the ways in which 
dude ranching was being articulated in more general 
touristic promotions. The promotional brochure 
titled "Jackson Hole; Where to Go . . . What to See" 
created, by the town businesses to enhance revenue, 
defined the dude ranch trom an economic and ser- 
vice perspective, a perspective that would interest 

"Dude Ranch" is not an expression that carries a clear- 
cut meaning to everyone, tor a dude ranch is neither a 
summer hotel nor a farm where dudes "ranch". . . . 
The most typical dude ranches ot all the West are in 
this section of Wyoming. They range all the way from 
the most exclusive outfits that require references and 
advance reservations tor not less than three ueeks or a 
month at around S70 per week per person — including 
saddle horse and equipment, modern cabin, meals and 
other advantages — to the guest ranches or outfitters 
where accommodation may be had by the day, week 

or season. The person ot moderate means can arrange 
his vacation in Jackson Hole to tit his purse. 

From the town tourism perspective, dude ranch- 
ing is far more expansive, encompassing the elite busi- 
nesses and touristic operations that would allow dudes 
to tailor their interests and budget. This definition is 
in contrast to the mainstream dude ranching busi- 
ness which sought to draw a line between themselves 
and other "ducie-like" operations. In this case of the 
city business perspective, the term dude ranching fo- 
cused on the word dude and encompassed all people 
not originating in the West. This paper works to bring 
together dude and dude-like operations in a more 
expansive perspective. 

To enrich a sense of dude ranching, we need to 
turn to its aesthetic qualities. The aesthetic experi- 
ence is certainly not something to be underrated, and 
indeed the architectural and landscape architectural 
term for this aesthetic has become known as dude 
ranch vernacular. The National Park Ser\'ice charac- 
terizes a dude ranch vernacular style as being devel- 
oped as part of an earlier "agricultural complex or 
were built to echo — in materials, design, and place- 
ment — buildings of the pioneer/homestead era."'* 
According to dude ranch author Arthur Carhart, dude 
ranches, auto courts, and other tourist facilities 

retlected the deliberate attempt (culturally rather than 
environmentally imposed) to create a "Western style" 
attractive to eastern guests. . . In Grand Teton this led 
to the construction of log buildings conscientiously 
made to look like pioneer structures, long after the 
economic and environmental rationale tor this ver- 
nacular style had waned. . . As dude rancher Arthur 
Carhart informed prospective guests in Hi Srrang-er.'; 
"The main lodge ot a highly developed dude ranch is 

" Daugherty, A Place Called Jackson Hole, p. 22}. 

' "Jackson Hole: Where to Go . . . What to See," pubHshcd by 
Harry C. Duntsch, Riverton, Wyomint;, no date (pubHshed 
between 1929 and 1950), pp. 18-19. It seems that this 
promotional brochure was sponsored by several Jackson Hole 
businesses which then placed their own business name on 
the front to personalize the brochure. 

" United States Department of Interior National Park Service, 
National Register of Historic Places, Grand Teton National 
Park Multiple Property Submission, November 20, 1997, 
p. 70. 

"i;nq H.s:o"; Jou'ral •- Auiu^-^.n :; 

the (iLitLjrow'rh of thr owner's 'hiL; house' . . . hut they 
are a loni; way acK aneed o\er their eounter(iarts ol 
yesterday — and you'll be t;hid of that. 

ComhiiiinL; the diule-hiisiness. more general 
tourist htisiness perspectives, and the aesthetics of eacli 
operation, elude ranches were tourist businesses that 
offered housini^ uniizmi; a Western, or Rocky Moim- 
tain elude ranch rustic aesthetic that mimickei.1 a pio- 
neer agricultural lanelsca|^e of ranch architecture, what 
we might call an agricultural aesthetic. Dude raneh 
operations woukl include a main loilgc whose win- 
dows wouhl feature elramatic scenerw aiiel on the other 
side woukl sit \'arious configurations of small, iikIi- 
vielual dude cabins. These rtistic c.ibins were rarcK' 
wcatherprooted and were not capable ot ottering win- 
ter habitation but they did offer porches looking onto 
dramatic landscapes or arranged so that .ill eloors 
looked inwards in a horsesht)e shape. To gain ttirther 
elefinition of i.ludc ranching we need next to turn to 
the geography ot dude ranching. The appropriation 
ot this agricultural aesthetic in the creation of dude 
ranches does nt)t necessariK' mean that they were prac- 
ticing agriculture or ranching. 

The Geography Of Dude Ranching 

Though eluele raiiehiug can be lotind in the 
Southwest anel California, as well as the Northwest, 
it is the northern Rock\' Ahiunt.iin region, especi.ilh' 
Montana an<,l \\'\'oming, anel to a lesser extent Colo- 
rado, that shapes the historical industrial core of this 
cfistinctive agri-tourism sector. Historian Hal 
Rothman claims that eluele ranching diel not share a 
particular pattern ot geographic relationship in their 
location in terms ot transportation. On closer in- 
spection, eltiele ranches elo re\eal particular spatial 
patterns in that thev 1.I0 not uniformly occtir o\er 
the western landscape, but insteael the\' were clus- 
tered.'" These clusterings often occur in high elen- 
sity, arouuel dramatic, often wikl or preserveel land- 
scape managed by the teeleral government ottering a 
particular wilelerness aesthetic that otters an interest- 
ing contrast to the agricultural lanelscape aesthetic ot 
the ranch. Wyoming is no exception, and dude r.mch 
visual aesthetics are often dominateel by mountain 
ranges such as the Snt)w\' Range, Wind Ri\er Range, 

Big Horn Range, anel the Tetons all of which are 
manageel hv federal agencies. 

Histoncallw one of the cltisters ot highest density 
regarding elude ranching occurrei.1 in the Jackson Hole 
region, more specifically m what now is Ciranel Teton 
National Park. In the Tetons, dude ranches cltistered 
around one of the most eiramatie wikl kiiielscapes in 
the northern Rockies, the Graiul Tetons: what we 
might eall a wilderness landscape aesthetic. Dude 
ranches were locateel in the southern part of the park, 
south ot Jackson Lake, closer to both the base ot the 
range and the fast mo\'ing Snake Ri\er. The more 
elite cIikIc ranches were often seckieleel, set back from 
the roael sometimes sc\'eral miles, their clients often 
arriving by train, at least in the earl\ part ot the cen- 
turw In Comparison, oper.itions offering seryices to 
more mielelle-class automobile-centereel totirists were 
located along major roaels. 

Thus, tor the purposes of this analysis, eluele 
ranching in the Teton nexus offereil accommotlation 
titilizing .m agricultural, arehitectural, and landscape 
architectural aesthetic, combined with a strong wil- 
elerness aesthetic, it mckieles actnities p.irticularK' fo- 
cused around horses and though perhaps a ma|ority 
of duele ranches eliel not accept dueles tor one night 
onlw others tliel. Duele ranches placed themscKes in 
relation to take adwmtage of elramatie \'istas in the 
\alle\-, though not all faced the Teton Range itsclt, 
and were both seckielcd and exposeei to ma|or road 
transportation routes, elepeiieling on their clientele. 

Dude Ranching Landscapes In The Tetons 

This nexus ot elude ranches offers a rich wiriety 
ot operation from UM)cS until the (^resent day. With 
Its official beginnings in I WON, dude ranching has, ot 
course, been in the region longer than Grand Teton 
National Park, whose boundaries were first estal^lished 
in the late L)2()s. liieleed, the forest Service man- 
aged much of the land prior to the park's creation. 
When It was established in 1929, Granel Teton Na- 
tional Park encompassed ninet\-six thousand acres, 

' Ibid. 7() quonns; Artliur C.irh.irt, Hi. 5rr.mi;er.' The Complcre 
Guide- to Dude Ranches. (Chit.igo, Ziff-D.ivis, 19 l4). Rurhmaii. /Xi;/s B.irf.un (l.,i\vrcnLC. University Press ot, l^^Si, p. 134, 

6 Annals of VVyoiiiing: The VVyoniing Histor\' Journal -- Autumn 2005 

including the Teton Range and six glacial lakes at the 
base of the range, and excluded the dammed Jackson 
Lake. The greatest growth in dude ranching in this 
region came between 1908 and 1930 on land that 
was eventually folded into the park in its 1949 ex- 

A number of people, including park superinten- 
dent Horace Albright, dude rancher Struthers Burt, 
and John D. Rockefeller, sought to expand the park 
across the valley tlo(.)r. Burt envisioned a "museum 
on the hoof where dude ranch activities such as his 
would be preserved while more ugly touristic endeav- 
ors would be done away with. Burt hoped for a part- 
nership with Rockefeller that would preserve the pris- 
tine landscape and dude ranching heritage oi the park, 
in a similar way to the construction of Cok)nial 
Williamsburg, another of Rockefeller's projects. With 
Rockefeller's wealth, channeled through the Snake 
River Land Company, the park's boundary was ex- 
panded in 1949 to incorpt)rate an additional 309,995 
acres. However, dude ranching and the "museum on 
the hoof concept were not part of the park's vision 
of itself. When many ol the lifetime leases established 
during the sale of land to the Snake River Land Com- 
pany expired, dude ranches were dissolved, auctioned 
off, pulled down, burned, or left to rot. 

ranch advertisements said a ranch was 'restricted.'" '~ 
This inference seems problematic, however. Though 
dude ranches were places that did not restrict groups 
such as African American or Jewish peoples in their 
advertising, it would seem that it references were called 
for by dude ranchers trom prospective dudes, these 
two classes ot potential dudes would indeed be re- 
stricted. Indeed, to maintain distinctions between 
class strata for numerous dude ranches was an essen- 
tial part ol their management practices, up until the 
195()s. For example, a line was drawn between the 
eastern elite dudes and what were sneeringly referreci 
to as the tin can tourists, those ot a more middle class 

Rothman articulates a shitt between early dude 
ranching that had substance, set in a historic and limi- 
nal moment where the elite sought both a mythic 
existence and a reinvigoration tor tired souls, a dude 
ranch experience of Rooseveltian proportions.'' 
Dude ranching shifted by 1930 to become a crass 
touristic rite of passage, celebrating a West recreated 
by popular culture and thus a shadow ot its tormer 
self.'' Rothman characterizes the pre-1930s period 
in terms of class as a time when social contacts and 
familiar ties shaped the dude guest list. But as the 
industry grew this shitted: 

A Classless Society Full Of Class 

Dude ranch historians have been split on the egali- 
tarian nature ot dude ranching. Historians Borne and 
Jerome Rt)dnitzky reflect on the seemingly ec]uitable 
nature ot this touristic experience while Hal Rothman 
explores dude ranching as an elitist activity. Borne 
argues that the dude ranch was a "welcome relief to 
middle- and upper-class people whose lives were domi- 
nated by rigid social mores, political involvement, 
and family tradition . . . One tacet ot dude ranch 
informality was the egalitarian attitude that was preva- 
lent in the West." " Thus the West seemed to offer 
its dudes a space away trom the social constraints im- 
posed by their class position. 

With a slightly ditterent tocus, Rodnitzky com- 
pares dude ranching to other touristic destinations 
such as western resorts, arguing that tliough ranches 
asked for references they were pr>:bably not racially 
or religious discriminatory; "Very tew Western dude- 

SocKil contacts and familial ties, not business motives, 
formed the core of such relationships. But as the 
industry grew, relationships ot class replaced personal 
ties. Visitors might not be friends ot the owner, but 
they shared the same schools and neighborhoods back 

Rothman sets a binary opposition between the 
earlier dudes who came with one set of values and 

" Lawrence R. Borne "Dude Ranching in rhe Rockies," Mon- 
tana, The Magazine of Western History, 38(1988): 16. 

' ' Jermone L. Rodnitzky "Recapturing the West: The Dude Ranch- 
ing American Life," Arizona and the West, 10 (Summer 1968): 
121. Rodzinsky defines the term restricted to include white 
Christians, and exclude African American and Jewish people. 

'* Rothman, Devil's Bargain, p. 141. -t 

'• Ibid., p. 115. 

" Ibid., p. 134. 

Annals of Wyoming Ths 

no H's:ri-v Jou'-'a! -- A Jt;j"n 2005 

those later cliKles who tra\'eleLl west with another. 
However, a more usetul spht in the reahn ot ekii.le 
ranching was between that ot the diule anel the tour- 

In the Teton nexus the term dude was ct)mplex, 
as Nathanial Burt points out. 

A K)t ot effort was made b\' old-line i.lude \\rant;lers 
like m\ father to eon\ince their dudes that there was 
nothin.L; pe|orative about their title. This, howe\'er, 
was not and is not true. When the term was first used 
out West, at the end of the nineteenth century, it was 
a common slaiiL; term all over the nation tor any fancy- 
pants \'ount; man who wore a boutonniere an<.l partei.1 
his hair in the middle. There was somethiiiL; dreatl- 
fliUy effete and class-conscious about parting \our hair 
in the muldle. Before he went to the Dakotas. 
Theodore Roosevelt was alwa\s describeLl b\ newspa- 
pers as a dude who parted his hair in the mRldle. The 
term thus began as derogatorw The oiiK' thing that 
has made it less derogator\' is the presence of huge 
numbers of tourists, "toutist" being even more de- 
rogatory. Real dudes, old habitual regular year-after- 
year roughneck dudes, have become proud of their 
designatu)n, particuLirU- in relation to tourists. Real 
dude ranches do and should call themselves that and 
not the nasty-nice "guest ranch" that appears usually 
as a designation for o\'ernight places that are realU' otf- 
the-roael tourist camps. It's like "mottician ' for un- 
dertaker and "hose" for stockings. As for "tourist" an^l 
"dude," they are entirely different bteeds.'' 

The term diKJes may have been problematic, btit 
in comparison to the crassness of middle class tin- 
can tourists, dudes were a "better breed." The Burts 
abln)rred the crass touristic commercialism of 192()s 
and I93('s tourism m the valle\' and sought to dis- 
tance their own touristic endea\()rs. I do not draw a 
line between travelers or, in the case of this paper, 
"dudes," a term used of members ot a small elite who 
traveled in search ot new experiences, and tourists, a 
term often hea\\' with the idea that such people were 
either dupes ot the industr\-, or colonial ,uid e\en 
postcolonial exploiters. Like tourism critic Da\ id 
Wrobel, I prefer to think of tourists/tra\elers/dudes 
being those who tra\'el to experience unfamiliar en- 
vironments.' Dude ranching was a complex, class- 
laden business/tourist relationship between the dude/ 

dtideen (female dui-le), and their dude r,inch, ,uid so- 
cial class was m sh,iping the duele roster at 
Teton dude ranches m the first halt ot the twentieth 

Individual Dude Ranches 

Dude ranching during the fitst halt of the twen- 
tieth centur\' m the Citand Teton nexus falls into four 
ma]or eras: the Grand Dames ( 1 ')()S- 1 9 1 9). the Ex- 
pansionist lira ( 1 '^.'2(1- 1 "^^^O), the Depression Era 
(1930-19 10), dn^\ the Post War era ( 1 (0- 1 9=i(ls). 
Dude r,mches in all these eras worket.1 to mcltide .md 
excltRle prospective clients m order to shape their 
dude rosters. 

The Era of the Grand Dames 

Three (.Itule ranches were established (.luring the 
Grand Dame era: the J^' ( 190S), the Bar BC ( 19 12), 
and the White Grass ( 19 19). The first acknowledged 
dtule r.inch to establish itself at the base <it the Tetons 
was the ]Y . [purchased bv Louis Jow Jov went into 
partnership w ith Struthers Burt, who brottght his east- 
ern connections. Btirt was a Philadelphian who 
moved ,imongst the cit\'s elite, a former Princeton 
gradiKite who stax-ecl on as .m English instructor. He 
brought little mone\' to the partnership, but his con- 
nections with monietl easterners interested in experi- 
encing the American West was crticial to the earlv 
success of the J^'. At the ]Y , class shaped the <.lude 
ranch experience in two wavs. First, the mix ot east- 
ern elites anel westerners often middle or working 
class experience de\eloped into a p.irtnership which 
IS a crucial d\namic in understanding the workings 
of dude ranch businesses, and one that returns o\er 
and over again m dude raiuher biographies. Sec- 
ond, class sh.iped the wa\s in which dude ranches 
workei.1 to establish an elite clientele. 

In a 191^ promotional brochure, Jo\' m.ide clear 
the atmosphere the ranch sought to establish "the at- 
mosphere of a club," that was to be obtained by lim- 

"' Natlnnicl BuTt. J.icksiin pp. sn-Sl. 

' David M. Wrohcl anil P.irrick T. Long. Seeing .ind Being Seen: 
Tourism in the West (L.usrcnte: Unuersity Press ot Kan- 
sas, 20(11), p. \h. 

8 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming Histop,' Journal -Autumn 2005 

itinti guests to those "personally known by us or . . . 
introduced and vouched for by our friends.""' Un- 
der the JY's subsequent owner Henry Stewart's direc- 
tion, expensive brochures on heavy card stock were 
printed, including rice paper inserts. The teel of the 
brochures was then given extra weight by the text 
that quicklv sought to establish the type of clientele 
to be admitted. Stewart was clear about who he 
wanted: long-staying clients who haci social connec- 
tions with previous dude tourists. "Reservations are 
never made for less than a stay ot two weeks, and 
preference is given to parties planning to remain 
longer. References are requested, and the manage- 
ment is glad to furnish them if desired."''' As dudt 
ranch writers Joe Albright and Marcia Kunstel point 
out, much of the clientele came from the social regis- 
ter of Wilmington (the winter home of Henry 
Stewart), Philadelphia (continuing the Burt connec- 
tion), and New York.^" 

The second dude ranch was Struthers Burt's Bar 
BC. Dissolving his partnership with Joy, Burt estab- 
lished a new business relationship with Dr. Horace 
Carncross, a psychologist who trained in the meth- 
ods of Sigmund Freud. Burt was a man who perhaps 
uniquely straddled the divide between eastern social- 
ite and western nati\x-, along with easterner Carncross 
to create a dude ranch on the banks of the Snake 
River. Burt's son, Nathaniel, characterized the dudes 
who came to the Bar BC in its first year; 

Most of them witii Princeton and Philadelphia con- 
nections, talented, sophisticated, very much liberated 
pre-war post-Edwardians, full of advanced tinges ot 
Freud and the- Impressionists and tin de siecle English 
literature, but Romantics to a man and woman. It 
was because the 'West was so Romantic that they were 
there — the West, incredibly beautiful of course, then 
as now, with all the natural panoply of sun and sky 
and air, of mountains and flowers and streams and 
game; but above all, in those days and from the point 
of view of nowadays, incredibly, inconceivably re- 

The Bar EC's dudes came from an eastetn lite- 
rati, and identif\ing and preserving that elite clien- 
tele became a priority for the Bat BC. As the rate 
card sent to prospective dudes in 19.38 makes clear. 

the ranch was to be as disctiminating in its clientele 
as the JY: "The number of people is strictly limited. 
In (.jtder to preserve a congenial atmosphere among 
our guests, we require personal references (preferably 
from someone who has been at the ranch before) 
from all who wish accommodations.""" Like the JY, 
the request that previous dudes refer a potential dude 
was especially powerful m that it made sure that it 
excluded dudes who did not meet the social criteria. 
Indeed, it should be noted that the greatest "grand 
dame" dude in the Tetons, Elinor "Cissy" Pattetson 
Gizyacke, heitess to the Chicai^o Tribune forttme and 
a Polish countess, made her first stay in the Tetons at 
the Bar BC."' 

The third of the grand dame dude ranches was 
the White Gtass. It was homesteaded in 191."' by 
Harold Hammond (a westerner from Idaho) and 
Tucker Bispman (a poet born in Philadelphia and a 
graduate of Princeton). Having met at the Bar BC 
Ranch as cowboy and dude, Hammond and Bispman 
also created the traditional partnership of east and 
west. They ran the "White Grass as a working ranch 
until 1919 when they transferred the operation to a 
dude ranch.-' As late as 1948, their extensive pro- 
motional brochure made clear that personal refer- 
ences were still an essential element; 

'" JY brochure, 1917, as quored in Joe Albright and Marcia Kunstel, 
"Rockefeller's Last Stand: Historic JY Ranch Returning to Nn- 
turc," Jackson Ho/c (Summer/Fall 2()().i): 55. 

'' JY Brochure, undated, Jackson Hole History Society (JHHS), 
file number 2002.120.5:6. 

-'" Albright and Kunstel, "Rockefeller's Last Stand," p. 55. When pur- 
chased by the Snake River Land Company the JY became perhaps 
the most exclusive, former dude ranch in the Tetons. It became the 
summer retreat tor the Rockefeller family. In 2006, the JY will 
revert to the National Park Service after all traces of the dude ranch- 
ing activity is removed under the direction ot the recently deceased 
Laurence Rockefeller. The loss of this site is profound as it was 
probably one of the most dramatic and arresting dude ranch de- 
velopments in the Grand Tetons. 

'' Nathaniel Burt, "Early Days of the Bar BC," Teron Magazine, 14 
(1981): 19. 

-- Bar BC Ranch R.ites Card 19.iH, JHHS, file 2002.113.2. 

-' Daugherty, A Place Called Jackson Hole, pp. 229 and 337. 

-' The Galeys, who were to purchase the ranch, were its first guests 
at the White Grass in 1919. The Galeys sold the White Grass to 
Grand Teron National Park in 1955 with a lifetime lease, and it 
closed in 1985. Grand Teron National Park, Moose Headquar- 
ters, dude ranch tiles. 

; H:s;orv Jojna.- A'..tjrrr 

Bock mt. 

13. 7UU 

MT. OU/CM ^^jy^ 

L«Kt '■-' 


if n, 

CK5 on 
'3 l-.,t.rS TROm MOOi< A 

//To THE 
// GBOS 


SNftKt B.WCB- 




Map showing location of White Grass Ranch outside of Jackson. Wyoming, tal<en from White Grass Ranch travel booklet 
Courtesy Dude Ranchers Association Collection. Amencan Heritage Center. University of Wyoming, 

As tile raiiLh docs not take transient \isitors anil lim- 
its striLtU' the numbers ot Ljuests .lecommoLLiteci, it is 
neeessar\' to make reservations earlw Personal refer- 
ences are rei.]uesred in makint; application tor the tirst 
time. The White Grass Ranch reserses the riL;iit to 
refuse or cancel reservations at any time if such a can- 
cellation IS. in the opinion ot the management, to the 
best interest of the other guests. "' 

The White Grass took the additional step of stating 
tiiat it would cancel teservations at any time, includ- 
ing it would seem, while the dude was \'isiting, if the 
beha\ior of that dude guest was not com[->anble with 
prevailing st)cictv established at the ranch. 

In wofking to establish the exclusivity of the White 
Grass, the ranch published a list ot former dudes who 
haei agreeel to act as references for the ranch. Placed 
on the back of its promotional brochure, this list in- 
cluded doctors and lawyers, an aelministrator of the 
Carnegie Library, and the president of Philco (ait- 
poration. '" The White Grass did this both for the 
main ranch anei the ranch for bo\'S, which the)' also 

The success of the granel dames of eluele ranching 
in the Gr,ind Teton nexus profoundh' shaped the ways 
in w Inch subsee]uent diKle ranches eletined themselves 
and their elude rosters. One of the most profounel 
ways they diel this was that man\' former dueles eitJTer 
establisheel their own private ranches or sought to 
|oin the dude rancher elite b\' establishing .leklitional 
dtiele ranehing o[^erations. The l'^)2()s was the expan- 

W'hitc Cirass R.mth pnimunnnal brnthure. Cjr.ind Ti'ton National 
P. irk tlk-s. Mdcisc HL-.iiJc]u.irrcrs, dude r.iiKh files. 
According to Consumer Electronics Association website at litcp: ' 
.' , accessed August 2.s, 2004. NX'illiam Balderston. a 
president ot Philco Corporation, did not become president un- 
til 19-l.S and so this promotional material would have been pub- 
lished in 19 IS or afterwards. 

Thf W'/iirc Grdii Rjnch lur Boys promotional brochure. JHHS, 
file 2002.120.9. The boys dude ranch program, established in 
appro.ximately 192.\ indicated the type of clientele it aspired to 
III the list of references that included John Grier Hibben. Presi- 
dent of Princeton University, Dr. Endicott Peabody ot Groton 
School, ISLiss.ichusetts, and the Honoralile David A. Reed, sena- 
tor trom Pennsvlvania. 

1 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2005 


Ridin": is naturally llie main recreation on a ranch, situated as it i«. so dose lo the moun- 
tains, the White Grass Ranch has access to excellent and scenic trails where one can ride in the 
mountains, in the cool timber, or over the sage-covered flat>. Mo>l dudes prefer ridin-; in small 
grou[)s so there are plenty of cowboys on the ranch to take theni when and where thev want U< 
go. Polo, rojiing and wrangling horses at daybreak are specially enjoyed by many of the guests. 

Photograph and caption taken from White Grass Ranch bool<let. Courtesy Dude Ranchers Assocation Collection, 
Amencan Hentage Center, University of Wyoming. 

sionist era of dude ranching. In this decade, agricul- 
tural economics was in a state of collapse as com- 
modity prices declined at the close of the First World 
War. Many ranchers turned to alternative uses of ag- 
ricultural landscapes. It was also the roaring twenties 
and as other economic sectors boomed so did tour- 
ism, and with the rise of the automobile, tourism in 
the American West opened itself up to a more middle 
class clientele. 

Expansionist Era 

Unlike the early grand dames, expansionist dude 
ranches were a far more varied set of operations that 
addressed a greater variety of clientele. Dude ranches 
varied, including; those dude ranches formed in the 

mold of the three grand dames including the Flying 
V (that was renamed the Ramshorn and then the 
Elbo), the Danny Ranch, Circle H, the Trail Ranch, 
and the Triangle X."^'' Along the lines of the White 
Grass boys ranch, other juvenile ranches were estab- 
lished including the Double Diamond, Teton Boys 
Camp, and the Half Moon. In addition, there were 
two invitation-only dude ranches, the Bar None and 
the 4 Lazy F. Finally, there were businesses that sought 
to offer the ducie aesthetic experience with more lim- 

'^ There is one dude ranth, that I believe fits into this period, the 
Slash G, mentioned by Jake S, Huyler in his book And That's 
the Way It Was (Jackson: Jackson Hole Historical Society, 2000). 
However, Coulter gives little further detail and there is little 
additional evidence discussini; the dude ranch. 

■'■.•'"ais of VVvoming: The VVyo.-i':!' j H:5v:-, :: ./-?. - Auiumr. 2 jj5 1 ' 

ited ser\'ices, tor eludes with more modest hLiLlgets, 
and these operations include the STS, Square G, and 
the Elbo. '" 

Dude ranches that emulated the yrand dames most 
closeh' were the Flyin<; V, Dann\' Ranch. Circle H, 
and Trail Ranch. These ranches ottered \arious ser- 
vices to their clients inclui.linu horses, elav trips, pack 
trips, some hunting and tlshing. and a tull American 
Plan service. In additit)n, dudes hael to sign up tor at 
least one week at the ranch. Though pn^notional 
materials 1.I0 not sur\'i\e trom all these ranches, ad- 
vertising tor the Ramshorn Ranch included a rec]uest 
tor an exchange ot reterences, as did the Circle H 
Ranch.'" The Circle H Ranch made it clear that the\' 
selected the dudes who came to sta\': "In order to 
insure congenial groups we reser\e the right to select 
all clientele. We want our guests to teel that the\' are 
triends visiting with us." However, it should be 
noted that there was one ranch that did not recjuest 
reterences, the Triangle X. 

The Turner tamih' at the Triangle X ( 1926) tlrst 
came into the country m the teens. "The Turners 
came trom Utah to show lackson Hole people how 
to grow potatoes but the\' came out as small as \'our 
tinger. "" Turner took advantage ot people passing 
through and asking him to lead hunt trips an<.l pack 
game out. As more people came the Turners built 
two or three more cabins, but the earl\' thrtist ot the 
Triangle X was hunting and tishini;. Thus duele ranch- 
ing, outtitting, and guiding worked hand in hand 
tor many years until a more pronounced shitt to- 
wards dude ranching antl away trom hunting after 
the Second World War. Unlike the_n\ Bar BC, and 
White Grass, the Triangle X shitted trom its mode as 
a hunting and guiding outtk towards i-lude ranching, 
and did not work in the same way to establish an 
exclusive clientele. The Triangle X did not ad\ertise 
tor a specific clientele. Howe\er, we cannot conclude 
that because it was set up h\ western operators the 
role ot class hael an\' less ettect. Moose Head, estab- 
lished in a similar manner, worked to testrict its cli- 

Interestingly, the dude ranch experience was seen 
as an excellent youth vacation, similar to the sum- 
mer camps ot the rural Northeast. Three businesses 
worked to service voting dudes, the Double Diamond 

DluIc Ranch, the Teton Camp tor Bo\s, and the Halt 
Moon. Though these oruanizations catered prima- 
ril\' to bovs, girls claimed halt the season at the Halt 
Moon Ranch. Like the traditional dude ranches, these 
|u\enile operations pro\'ided extensi\'e services tor 
their dudes and dudeens and ]U\enile dudes signed 
up tor tour to six week sessions. 

The Double Diamond Dude Ranch (now known 
as the Climbers Ranch) was planned in the summer 
ot 1923; boys were recruited among eastern prepara- 
tor\' schools, with nineteen being recruited tor the 
tlrst \ear, 192 4. ' Echoing the theme ot the east-west 
partnership, one ot its tounders, Jt)seph Clark trom 
Pennsylvania, w .is staying at one ot the in\itation- 
onh' dude ranches established in this period, the Bar 
None. He betriended westerner Fran Williams, the 
camp manager, ani.1 they agreed to open a camp tor 
bins. ' in keeping w ith the granel dame elitist mode, 
potential dudes were reejuired to send reterences. 

-''The first Elbo was located in the cast of the valley and was a hotne- 
stead originally called the Triangle B. Purchased hy Mr. Goss, a 
Californian, he recre.iretl the ranch into .1 dude operation. The last 
operator of the tlude r.inch was K.itie Sr.irretre, also a Californi.i 
resident, who iTio\'ed the ^\n\i: ranch business tti the othet side of 
the valley to a location that w as originally called the Flying V Ranch, 
also known as the Ramshorn Ranch, and is presently known as the 
Teton Science School. 

" Wyoming Dude Ranchers Association and Wyoming Depart- 
ment of Commerce and Industry, Wyoming Dude Ranch Directory 
I 19.^9). 

'' Citcle H brochure, no date. JHHS, tile 2()(i: U.Ss, 

- Interview with Harold Turner, June 1~. JllO-t. ar the Triangle X, 
transcript in the author's (.oUectioii- 
Inter\'iew b\' the author with Harold Turner, 21KM. 

" Louis O. Williams. "The Double Diamond Ranch of Jackson 
Hole," unpublished July 20, 1990, located m the JHHS, Double 
Diamond Ranch hanging file. The dude ranch reshaj^eci its busi- 
ness during the 193()s to take in tourists. 

"' Clark was ro become one of the senators from Pennsyhania who 
lived in Philadelphia- Double Di.imond Fountlet, Sen, loe Clark 
dies at 8S,"_/jcA-son Hole A'eus. January 31, 1990. 

''■ "Double Diamond Founder, Sen. Joe Clark dies at SS. J.ickson 
Ho/eNeu-s January 31, 1990. 

Wyoming Dude Ranchers Association and Wyoming Depart- 
ment of Commerce and Industry, Wyomint; Dude Ranch Directory 
(19lS). It must be made clear that though the Double Diamond 
began primatily as a |uvenile dude ranch, the 1924 promotional 
brochure mentions that there were ,iccommodations for families 
and groups. 

12 Annals of VVyominq: The Wyoming Hislory Journal -- Autumn 2005 

Stephen Leek, long known tor his environmental 
activism and his successtul huntini; and fishing tour- 
ist camp on Jackson Lake, opened the Teton Camp 
for Boys in 192"^. Though historian John Daugherty 
suggests that the camp did not meet the dude ranch 
criteria as it had httle ot its own land and relied on 
permits to use pubHc kind managed by the Forest 
Service, it did offer a juvenile dude ranch experience. 
With a month-long program ot activities for its young 
dudes, the physical layout of a main lodge with a din- 
ing room, encircled by cabins and tent cabins, cer- 
tainlv gives a dude ranch aesthetic sensibility. Nor was 
it the only dude ranch to develop a special relation- 
ship with federal agencies to operate its dude ranch 
business as we can see with the examples ot the Bar 
None and the Triangle X. Indeed, tiie Bar None dude 
ranch, an in\itation-onlv business, was operated on a 
Forest Service lease. There is no record that the Teton 
Boys Camp required references. 

In contrast to the Double Diamond and the Teton 
Boys Camp, the Halt Mot)n took both boys and girls, 
thougli not at the same time. In catering to wealthy 
children from eastern tamilies, its 1930 promotional 
brochure included references trom administrators at 
several schools in the East. In addition, the exclusiv- 
ity ot the Halt Moon was stressed in its rec]uirement 
ot reterences: "Tlie group will be limited to about 
fifteen girls, only those recommended by the statt or 
a personal friend being considered.""'^ In addition to 
establishing a list ot reterences and a clear indication 
that reterences were required, the brochure also pro- 
vides a list ot the girls who attencied in the 1927- 
1929 seasons. The majority ot the girls were from New 

As private, invitation-only businesses or quasi- 
businesses, the two ranches that tall into this category 
are perhaps the best examples ot the exclusivity of the 
dude ranching business. Both the Bar None and the 
4 Lazy F extended invitations to paying dude guests. 
As private entities, these two dude ranches did charge 
their dudes, though it is ni)t known it these tJtganiza- 
tions ran on a tor-protK business basis. The 4 Lazy F, 
purchased in 1925, became the summer home of the 
Frew family, trom Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. The 
Frews began accepting dudes in 1927 through the 
early 1990s when dudes were still visiting as paying 

guests. Anci as George McCullough, foreman at the 4 
Lazy F, remarked, it Mrs. Emily Oliver (present owner) 
did not receive a letter ot thanks at the end of each 
dude's stay they would not be invited again."' 

One ot the most elusive of the dude ranches in 
the Grand Teton nexus is the Bar None, also known 
as the Woodward Camp. Begun sometime in the 
late 1920s, its owner. Dr. George Woodward, nego- 
tiated a lease ot five acres of land from the Forest 
Service at the outlet ot Jenny Lake. '" Having duded 
originally at the Bar BC, and deciding that it was too 
luxurious. Woodward "moved up to the Bar None so 
he could lie in jolly discomfort, the simple lite with a 
vengeance."""' This invitation-only dude ranch closed 
in 1931 with the untimely death ot Woodward's 
daughter, and today there is little material or docu- 
mentary evidence ot its existence. ' ' 

Many ot the elite dude ranches in the Tetons were 
anomalous in comparison to the rest of Wyoming as 
they were created from scratch, more along the lines 
ot resort tacilities (including the occasional swimming 
pools). Perhaps the most famous ot these was Eaton's 
ranch in Wolt, Wyoming, that was synonymous with 
pack trips into Yellowstone. The Eatons are com- 
monly understood as the tirst dude ranchers who 
originally set up business in the Dakotas betore real- 
izing that public land was becoming a scarce com- 
modity on the plains and so re-located in the vicinity 
ot the dramatic landscape ot Wyoming. Dude ranches 
in other parts of the state were more often converted 
from workint: ranches rather than "trom scratch" dude 

'" Promotional Brochure, The Half Moon Ranch," 19.H), JHHS, 

flic 200:. 120. 50. a. 
"' Informal interview by the author with George McCullough at 

the 4 Lazy F, June 22, 200-1. 
'"Intetview by the author with Theodore Bessette June 18, 2004, 

completed at the Jackson Hole Historical Society. Theodore's 

uncle Alfred and uncle Frank borh worked at the Bar None. 

Alfred Bessette, chef in Nasaau Club and Princeton Club, had 

been recruited by Struthers Burt for the Bar BC Ranch. Alfred 

eventually returned east while Frank stayed West and went to 

work tor Woodward's Bar None. 
'' Bun. Jackson Hole Journal, p. 69. 
'- Though there is little in the historical record ot the Bar None, it 

seems that Double Diamond dude ranch founders Joseph Clark, 

summered there and mer his western partner. 

' 'A'yomnig The Wvominq HisIop, Journal -- Autumn 2005 1 3 

"The Coach" transported dudes and dudeens around Eaton s Ranch in Wolf, Wyoming, Courtesy Eaton's Ranch Papers, 
Amencan Hentage Center. University of Wyoming 

ranches. Thcru were tew workiiiii ranches that shitted 
to dude ranchmu in the Teton reL;ion. Some were 
purchased from homesteaders who tarmeLl the land 
and ran a tew milk cows, and several were home- 
steaded as tourist facilities. Though man\' of the eliKle 
ranches in the ret^ion rejected oxernii^ht traftie, there 
were a number of operations that welct)med it. How- 
ever, they also sotii^ht to pro\ide a dude ranch aes- 
thetic experience, mixing agrictilture and wihlerness, 
these ranches iiuludei.1 the STS, Idho, anel the Si.|Liare 

Homesteaded in 192(1 by Buster Estes and his 
wife Frances, the STS dude ranch lasted for nearl\- 
thirty years beti)re being sokl to Olaus and Margaret 
Murie in 1946. As with the early dude ranchers, Buster 
and Frances were a mix of east and west. Buster eame 
to Jackson Hole when he was two .md was a dude 
wrangler at the Bar BC when he met Frances Mears, 
a Philadelphian dudeen, m 19 1 i." Unlike other 
dude ranches, the STS gave both daily and weekly 

rates, which suggests the\' did not kee[-> stricth' to the 
notion that dudes coukl not be o\ernighters. ' ' In 
Ululated r.mch promotional m.Uerials there is no 
mention of rei-]uesting references. It should be noted 
that the Estes prices were much less than competitors 
and they offered services stich as horse rentals, fish- 
ing, laundry, an^l use of the raneh bathroom tor an 
extra charge. 

On land purchased in 192Ci from Jimmy Manges, 
J.iNE Cioss and James Scott built the Elbe Ranch along 
the main road. The Elbo Ranch contained two busi- 
nesses: a rt)ad service station section and some cahms 
takint; o\erniL'ht t:uests. Behind that was the i.lude 

" "Dude Ranches of Jackson Hole: The STS," The Jackson Hole 
Guide. June 11, 1961; Mat;i;it Meehan, The Munc Ranch (Moose. 
Wyumint;: The Murie (Center, 2001); Louise Murie, ■Murie 
Ranch: A History," (unpulilished, 144H), STS Ranch hani;ini; 
hies. JHHS- 

" STS Ranch promotional brochure, no date. STS Dude Rancii 
Hanj^inj; File. JHHS. 

14 Annals of VVyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2005 

ranch section that accommodated only guests with 
reservations. Though there is no record that the dude 
ranch part of the Elbo required references, the Elbo 
did take on a veneer of tame and fortune with the 
arrival of the famous actor Wallace Beery. With Beery 
came HoUvwood glamour and media attention to 
dude ranching in the valley. Contemptuous ot the 
Elbo as the "Home of the Hollywood Cowboys," 
Nathaniel Burt associated the business with an infes- 
tation ot tourists: 

In about 1927 when the nasty Elbo was founded, 
Wallace Beery, then famous as a movie character actor, 
tlew into the Hole in his private plane, landed ni the 
sagebrush on the flats, stayed at the Elbo ("Home of 
Hollywood CowboNs"), and cliasetl the cook lecher- 
ously around the kitchen. He settled as a permanent 
touch of Filmland along Jackson Lake. The various 
dance halls at Jenny Lake and outside of Jackson were 
dependent on reckless and often disastrous automo- 
bile transportation for existence. Despite the dreadful 
roads of the twenties, more and more tourists infested 
them. ''' 

This tt)uristic infestation led, Burt argued, to the 
ugly tourist landscape of the 193()s that besmirched 
one of the grand dames ot dude ranching, the Bar 
BC, Burt's summer home: 

Gas stations and tourist camps were beginning to in- 
fest the still-privatized road toward Yellowstone. The 
dance hall at Jenny Lake and the Elbo, home ot the 
Hollywood Cowboys, and its rodeo grounds out on 
our [Bar BC^ Dude Ranch] flats were merely the most 
obnoxious and conspicuous eyesores. It became obvi- 
ous to tatseeing consetvation-minded local people that 
frontier isolation was ending and that exploitation was 
imminent. "' 

dude ranch. Sc]uare G took overnight guests as well 
as those who booked ahead and had about forty cab- 
ins, most on the north side ot the road. On the south 
side of the road the Gabbys also owned a service sta- 
tion with twi) gas pumps, a small store that sold t~ilm 
and food, seven cabins that had maid service, and a 
post office. "^ 

The Square G did not offer an American plan 
and the extensive activities similar to the Bar BC. 
Indeed, Robert Rtidd, a former dude, makes clear 
that the ranch was defined more by what activities 
were not ottered, such as organized day trips and no 
overnight pack trips. ''^ However, according to former 
ranch foreman Bob Krandenburg, horses were of- 
fered thfough a concessionaire from Thermopolis 
who brought both horses and wranglers. "The sea- 
son was so short and they would have to winter the 
horses so it didn't pay to own our own horses."'" 
Thus, this operation takes on the aspect of dude 
ranching in that it included hotse-focused activities. 
Along with the horse activities, the Square G also 
offered the aesthetic experience of a dude ranch. 
Homesteaded by the Gabbys, the cabins had front 
porches, and many focused on the dramatic Cathe- 
dral \iew of the Tetons. There was a central lodge 
with cabins scattered in rather secluded locations on 
the site. All the futniture was made on the ranch of 
lodgepole pine and this was a ptominent selling point 
in Square G promotional literature, "all Log Cabins, 
lodgepole pine furniture."' ' 

There is no evidence that the Square G requested 
references from its clients, but what type ot clients 
were attracted to the operation? Krandenburg char- 
acterized the type of people staying at the ranch: 

Thus, tor Burt, the Elbo was yet another aesthetic 
slap in the face, another example ot the ugliness of 
tourism, and something that onlv the conservation- 
minded frontiersmen, like his father, would work to 

Opened in 1926, the Square G was located on 
the inside loop road in what is now path property.""^ 
A.W. Gabby and his wife Lidy, the owners, were care- 
ful to call the Square G a guest ranch rather than a 

" Burt. Jackson Hole Journal, p. 129. 

'" Ibid., pp. Lil-32. 

' The Square- G closed in 195.x 

Interview by rhe author with Robert Rudd, tormer Square G 
dude at this site ot the Square G, June IS, 2004. 

'" Interview by the author with Robert Rudd, June 18 2004. 

^" Bob Krandenburg interview, October 1982, interviewer not 
named, transcript located in the JHHSociety files. 
Promorional postcard published by rhe Square G Ranch, lo- 
cated in the hani;mt; files. JHHS. 

"^nia-s of VVvaning Tne ''.''.'voininq H sto"; Journal 

Most of the people were independent and liked to hike 
and do tilings on their own , . . Oiir quests were pro- 
fessors, lawyers and doctors Irom all o\er the toiintry. 
. . Most ot the 1,'iiests rettirned year after \ear and the\' 
Stayed most ot the sli miner. Few sta\ed less than a 
month. ^" 

Thus, the Gabhys established a middle elass eli- 
entele that soui;ht a less struetured en\ ironiiient. With 
the inehision ot horse aeti\iries and the strong; dude 
raneh \ernacular aesthetie, the Square G shareel man\' 
elude raneh charaeteristies. Thus, durinu this expan- 
sionist aije ot dude ranehing, a rich \anet\' ot ^lude 
ranches evolved, from the more traditional ranches, 
juvenile ranches, b\' inxatation, and oper,itions ofter- 
ini; a dude ranch aesthetic though not all ot the ser- 

Depression Dude Ranches 

As the Depression hit the Ihiited States, it was no 
surprise to the already economie.db' elepressed ret^ion 
ot the Tetons. What new was that tourism num- 
bers also diminished, as did the rate ot dud^- ranch 
creation. Indeed, onl\- three ranchers openeel their 
doors to ekides durint; this p>eriod: Moose Head, Bear 
Paw, and the X Quarter Cdrcle X. Locals who had 
alread\- been ourtittmL; and leadins; hunters hai.1 cre- 

ated the Moose Head, like the Trianule X. However, 
unlike the Triangle X, they did not take its first sum- 
mer dtide until iys7. The Bear Paw, on the other 
hand, was created through the mone\' ot an eastern 
candy producer who had fallen on har^l times, whereas 
the X Quarter Circle X was probabK' the most un- 
usual as well as minimal of .dl the region's dude 

The Moose Head (.ame to be with the marriage 
ot two homesteaders on adjacent land, [l\d Grace 
St.uitord .mel Freel Topi^ing. Unlike the more exclu- 
si\e dude ranches, the Toppings workeel multiple jobs 
to m.ike ends meet, inckulin'' selHnir i:arden produce, 
eggs and cream, running the post ottice, hosting the 
loc.d School, ottering gas tor sale on the main road 
between ^'ellowstone and Jackson, dnd guided hunts 
111 the t.dl. The Toppings turned towards de\elop- 
iiig their own hunting business in the l92()s and Eva 
described the shift m their outfit. 

We started this hunting business and the state people 
eanie in by flocks to get meat. So as we got act|iiainted. 

Boh Kr.inikiiburi; interview. l'->^l. 

Cirolinu Miller, "Moose Head piiotus eliiJe lite," Jjtkson 

Hxlv iVeir.s, June 6, 14^)0, p. '). 

Family enjoying rest and relaxation at the Triangle X Ranch. Courtesy Triangle X Ranch Papers, 

Amencan Hertage Center, University of Wyoming. 

16 Annals of'A'yoming: The Wyoming Hisiop,' Journal -Autumn 2005 



So^f fv 

y y ./ 



/ an 

D V a 6 f^- — 













|"T7 T*J'-i>r,Jr»eT7, Co^/^ ^ 

{Iff-'/- y,''"^^^ 

Aj of-rA 

Sketch of the buildings at the Triangle X Ranch. Courtesy Tnangle X Ranch Papers, American Hentage Center, 
University nf Wvnminn 


University of Wyoming 

these people had rekitives and acquaintances and all 
which led into the non-resident business. So we started 
to take the non-resident people. They could come to 
the homestead. We just had the iiomestcad cabin with 
a little kitchen about as lart;e as this room. . . . They 
started camping. No one thought of" accommodations 
in those days. And as they came in it would be cold in 
the fall, maybe in November it would be even 20 be- 
low zero. The season stayed open then to the first of 
December. . . So they would start coming in and want 
to eat breakfast. It was cold, and a bunch of men 
cooking m a tent in freezing weather. So I would start 
cooking for them . . . And then they would want me 
to cook dinner for them. We started getting acquainted 
and eventually it came to the dude business."^' 

In a later interview Eva discussed the evolution 
ot their dude ranch business more directly. 

Fred had the idea to start a guest place. He was ac- 
quainted with a lot of people and they wanted a place 
to stay in the summer. They didn't want a commercial 
place. The larger ranches got too commercial and people 
wanted a simple place. So we just started. We'd get the 
logs with an axe and a saw and building cabins til the 
winter come. We built 40 log cabins up there. "" 

But it was not until 19.^7, that the Toppings took 
their first summer dude. However, the Moose Head, 
as noted in an undated newspaper advertisement, re- 
c]uired references.'" 

"" Eva Topping interview, April 28, 1971, transcribed. Transcrip- 
tion in JHHS, \lll-\. 

" Eva Topping, July 1, 1983. transcribed, pp. n-l6. Transcrip- 
tion in JHHS. 

'''' "Moose head Ranch," undated newspaper article, Moose Head 
hanging files, JHHS. 

Annals of Wyoming: The ''A'vominq Histciry' Journal -- Autumn 2005 

llnlikc tlu- h()mei;r()\\n Moose Heacl, tlic P.iw 
began as a ranchiiii; operation, a liohb\' ranch. 
Originallw (auilter Hm'ler, a contectioner trom 
Greenwich, C~onnecticut, tliRled with his family at the 
Circle H Ranch. As Jack Hnxler, Coulter's son, 
reminisces, "the first night Dad e\er spent in Jackson's 
Hole was at the Circle H, a cluele ranch owned aiul 
operated bv Harr\- and lirhel Harrison near 
Mot)se. "^ Howexer, the Penns\'l\ anian connection 
was not lost, as Huyler knew Struthers Biirt and had 
graduated in the same class at Princeton in I'-iO^. At 
the Circle H he met Jack Neal, his future dude ranch 
foreman. Purchasing the Bear Paw trom Eliza 
Hubbard Waterman Seaton in tall 192(1, the ranch 
was a prnate retreat. Howe\er, during the Depres- 
sion the cand\' business shrank, ani.1 Hu\ler took his 
family west to re-organize his ranch into a lIucIc ranch 
business." Though dail\- rates were cjuotetl tor the 
Bear Paw, suggesting that the\' would take overnight 
traffic, dude references were rei,]Liired.^'' 

FinalK , the X Quarter Circle X, owned b\' Jimm\- 
Manges, developed as a collection of cabins which 
his nephew Irwm ani.1 wife Mar\'el Lesher took over. 
Manges first began his work in tourism as a guide 
during the falls elk ancl moose hunting season for 
k)cal dude ranches.''" His first \enture into pro\id- 
ing accommodation came when he allowed families 
to Liuilcl cabins on his land. As the\ mo\ed on to 
other ]obs the\- left the catkins vacant and he began 
renting them in I9.t2.''' 

Manges was uninterested in the social status of 
his visitors, however this changed when Irwm and 
his wife Marvel Lesher took o\er management in 1950 
anci shifted the operation more towards duele ranch- 
ing.'' Though not one of the elite Liude ranches of 
this perioi.!, the Leshers became increasingly con- 
cerned that overnight guests were not socialK' com- 
patible with regular dudes who were repeat custom- 
ers. Requiring references was out of the c|uestion for 
this operation, however. 

Marvel developed a careful screening procedure to weed 
out tourists whom she thought might not tit her stan- 
dards of compatihilitw I'or the most part, i\Iar\el 
wanted to make all of the decisions abuLic who stayed 
and who didn't, when there were mc|uiries about \a- 

cancies. She had her own little wa\s to lieterminc it 
they were good people. To appear less discriminating 
to the tourist, it the\' were being rejected, she might 
tell them the (.ahiii left was too small tot their family. 
She might simply say that she was sorry, hut the cab- 
ins were all full. If the tourist compl.iined that the 
sign on the limhwa\- said there were waaiiLies, she 
might \'ell across the yard. "Irwin, I tokl \'<ili an hour 
ago to go out to the highwa\' ,ind remove tliat sign. 
Don't you see the troLihle viai lia\e caused these poor 
people.^ Will \iai please go take the sign down right 
now.^" After her disappointed "unJesireabk- " tourist 
departed she wiiukl tell Irwin not to go take the sign 
down.'' ' 

In order to manage het guest list she worked hard 
to establish a dude clientele that was mostK' regular 
rejseaters .md who 

likeil to stay for se\'eral weeks or niiintlis. drailuallv, 
l\lar\el heeame intormeil about the guest s desires and 
the N'acation polic\' ot the guest's emplo\'crs or the 
tlemands ot the business the guest might own. To- 
gether the\' establishei,! a period when these guests cotild 
comtortahh' return each year. i\Iaii\' ot the guests be- 
came accustomed to st.iying in the same cabin \eat 
after year. . . For main- families, it became a tradition. 
The\' might make reference to themsebes as "We are 
the Iul\' guests", or they miglit sa\- that m\- brother 
was an "August tamib.". . children ot the "June fami- 
lies" often grew up together, since they might return 
each and e\'cr\- summer wication for their entire child- 

'■" Huyler, And Tlut's r/jc W'.ii /r W.i.s, p. S. 

'" Natli.inicl Burt, "D.iys of t lie BC." 148* 2s. Huvltr sold 

the Paw t.> RoLkcfcller DeLcniber 20, I') IS Huvler. And 

rh.ic'schc /r \V■,^.^, p. Ills 
" "Unireil Airlines DlkIc R.iiii.hcs: Just A I-'e\v Hours Away by 

Unitetl Air Lines," unilated, oi. ]'-> IDs. 
'" l.oren Lesher, Uncle Jmi M.mi:cs .inJ H/.s C Quarter Circle X 

R.wch Pjrr I (self published, 1996) pp. 1 l2- 13, copies on sale 

at rhe JHHS. 
' ' Obituary for Marvel Leona Lesher, no date or name publica- 
tion, located in X Quarter Cricle X Ranch hanu'inj; tiles, JHHS. 

i\lar\cl and her husband Irwm bc,i;an lu-lpinL; Jimmy Manges 

run his dude ranch around 1950. 

Lcslier obiruarw 
'" Lesher. i'nclcjim A/.ini,'e.s, p. 209. 
'■' Ibid., p. 210, 

1 8 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2005 

Lesher speculates on the reast)ns ior the popular- 
ity of" the ranch saying: 

There were man\' major factors whicli contributed to 
guest's decisions to return to the X Quarter Circle X 
Ranch year after year, sometimes experiencing no other 
kind of vacation for a good patt of their lite. There 
were those who wanted the close proximity to do 
mountain cHmhing or at least do extensive hiking on 
the trails. Some were thete to have access to some of 
the best fishing in the United States. The natural beauty 
of the Tetons was enough for a lot of people. . . . Most 
everyone was thtilled at living amongst such a variety 
of wildlife. . . to some, the atmosphete at the ranch 
was conducive to their chosen art work, photography 
or writing. . . Others thrived on the experience of 
pioneer life, living in a log cabin, cartying watet, cook- 
ing on a wood stove and using the coal oil lamps." 

Though the X Quarter Circle X does not hill eas- 
ily into the category ot dude ranch, it certainly gave 
a dude ranch-like experience to those who could not 
afford dude ranch rates. Though there were few ser- 
vices offered at the X Quarter Circle X, apart from 
ice delivery, and possibly new sheets on arrival, there 
were a tew summer seasons that horses could be 
rented.''' The returnmg dudes, the very rustic cab- 
ins, and the short-lived possibility of renting horses 
makes the X Quarter Circle X Ranch an excellent 
candidate for dude ranch status. 

Post World War II Dude Ranches 

During and after World War 11, two dude ranches 
established themselves, the Highlands and the RLazy 
S. The Highlands was a homestead tiled in 1914 and 
was a working ranch owned by Pennsylvania natives 
Harry and Elizabeth Sensenbach, who worked their 
ranch until the late 192()s when they began renting a 
tew cabins and serving visitors refreshments. How- 
ever, the Highlands did not come into its dude ranch 
phase until 1946 when Charles Byron and Jeanne 
and Gloria Jenkins purchased the property." It is 
usually identified as an auto camp, however, the dude 
ranch aesthetic ot the Highland gives it a sttong dude 
ranch teel. Its log construction and the influence of 
the dude ranch landscape, where smaller cabins are 
otten arranged in relation to a main lotl^e, including 

front porches, simple and small scale design of the cab- 
ins creates a "dude-ranch rustic" style that strongly 
echoes the Double Diamond Dude Ranch located 
close by.''** In addition, according to Lesher, the High- 
lands (like the X Quarter Circle X), did otter for a 
tew summers horse rentals to dudes.'''' 

The R Lazy S also opened during this era. Like 
the Highlands it did not rec]uest references. How- 
ever, the ranch did make efforts to establish the char- 
acter ot the visitor: 

The Ranch is limited to 20 guests and we strive to 
have them a congenial group, so we invite you to 
write us about yourselves and your interests, and we 
will be glad in turn to tell you whatevet else you may 
wish to know about us — thus we may be assuted mu- 
tually that we have much in common before you make 
a detmite reservation. Being with congenial people is 
the sutest way to guarantee that your vacation will be 
a dividend-paying in^■estment. " 

Thus, though dudes were not rec^uired to otter 
references, they were recjuired to characterize them- 
selves and their interests. Coming in to the 1950s, 
this subtle shift away from the request for references 
occurring at the R Lazy S reflected a requirement for 
a more selt-retlective response. 

Institutional Promotion 

The efforts of individual dude ranchers in articu- 
lating their class-based business practices were joined 
by various railroads and airlines servicing dude ranch 
territory, the DRA, as well as the state ot Wyoming. 
Railroad companies saw dude ranching as an essen- 
tial part of their business promotional campaign in- 
cluding the Burlington & Quincy and the Union 

'■' Ibid., pp. 210-11. 

"" IbiJ.. p. 217. 

' Byron and the Jenkins added several cabins a year until selling the 
property in 1956. 

"" According to Charles Jenl^ins, his Highlands Corporation shifted 
the operation towards that of^ a dude ranch in the late 1940s, 
United States Department olTnterior, National Park Sers'ice, Field 
Inventory Complex Cover Sheet, completed 8.19.1998, p. 1. 

"" Lesher, Uncle Jim A[jnges. p. 217. 

'" The R Lazy S Ranch brochure, circa 1950, file 2002.120.23, 

Annals of ''.'Vyoming: The 'I'Vyominq Hislof/ Journa' -■ Aui'jnin 2005 ' i 

FacitiL. They pourutl millions of dollars iiuo promot- 
int; JlkIc ranching \'acations in rhc AnuTic.m West. 
In rhc Burlint;tt)n & Quinc\' R.iilroatl hanelbook. 
Ranch Lite in the Buffalo Bill Councry ( 192"), pro- 
moting ranches to the- east ot Yellowstone, it was clear 
that ranchers worked to choose onlv the most "desir- 
able" people to sta\' at their ranches. 

At the dude r.intlies one tiiuls the sort ot people most 
desirable — business aiul professional men, .irtists, and 
men .ind women ol letters who here h.i\e found inspi- 
ration tor some ot their best work; here college folk 
spend kleal WKations, an>.l WDinen and children tind 
the pertett combin.irion of rest, pla\' and healthtul out- 
ot-door lite. A grcit m.i|orit\' ot guests are easterners 
who betonie ace]Liainted with the rancher through triends. ' 

They worked to i(.lentit\' the various types ot elude 

The ranches .ire usu,ill\- rhe i.omlort,ible homes of the 
owners ot large horse and cattle interests, established 
main' xears ago, th,it ha\e been adapted to the accom- 
mod,ition ot visitors . . . The other resorts were estab- 
lished especuilK' for and with particular refereiue to 
the comturtable accommodation ot summer visitors, 
who, in everv-increasing numbers, are appreciating the 
benefits and enjoyment to be taken from .m outing in 
this inspiring country. ' 

The railroad also st)ught to sittiate the elude in 
tetms ot expectations ot comfort, withoLit scaring the 
customer too mucli: "The \isitor must necessarily 
expect to leave behind the luxuries of civilization, 
but is not recjuired to "rough it," although he may 
have all the fla\-or and surroundings of "roughing it" 
with none of the hardships." ' 

A decade later, class was still an important ele- 
ment in dtide ranch promotions through the rail- 
roads. In the Lbiion Pacific publications " Dude 
Ranches Our West ( I93S), it was made clear that po- 
tential dudes mList meet certain expectations in or- 
der to be accepted onto the ranch as guests: "The 
'dude wrangler' tries to select ctingenial guests who 
love the out-of-cioors. Most ranches ask for references 
and investigate them carefully. Many 'dudes' stay for 

weeks, and it not congenial ot sociable with other 
guests they would not en|o\' their own vacation nor 
would the others. " ' 'khus selection ot dudes throtlgh 
the mentioning ot names of other dude tourists was 
essential for access. 

As dude ranch promotions faded in the promo- 
tional literature of railroads, in the l9|()s it did tig- 
Lire 111 the promotional budgets ot airlines such as 
Northwest and L'nited. Lhilike the railroad advertis- 
ing, the aitlines did not discuss the issue ot the re- 
c]uest of references or the behavior of potential dtides. 
In both airlines' advertising, individual dude ranches 
were featured, similar to the rail i^romotions. In 
Northwest s short descriptions ot the ranches in jack- 
son Hole, no mention of references is made. How- 
e\'er, m Llnited's entries for specific dude r. inches, 
references are recjtiested from prospective dudes con- 
sidering the operations such as the White Grass, Bar 
BC, and the Bear Paw. ' 

Echoing the message ftom railroads and to a lesset 
extent the airlines, Wyoming's DRA, hand-in-hand 
with the Wvommg Dep.irtment of Commerce and 
Industrw made clear that class was an impiortant con- 
sideration tot poteiltKil dudes. In 19.^9, the \\ 'i();7)/;)g- 
Du(.le RaiKh /);recr(<r\- was published h\ the Wvommg 
Dtide Ranch Association and the State ot WAommg. 

Inside the back cover under the heading "Sug- 
gestions, " the Department of Commerce and Indus- 
try wrote; "Many of the ranches prefer to exchange 

' BLirlini^tun »S; QLiin(.\' R.iilrn.iLl. Rjnch Lite m rhc Biittulo Bill Coun- 
try (Ch\u.iiio. Burlington & Quincy R.nlni.ul, 1927), pp. 7-9. 
■- Ibid. p. ')- 
"' llvd.. pp. 9-11. 

' LInion Pacific R.iilni.k]\. DuJc RaiilIk-s One Wcsr (Chi- 
cago, Illinois: I'nion Pacific, 19>,S), p v 

"" Northwest Airlines, Duilc Giinlv Bonk, uiulatccl. JHHS, 
clLictc r,inch hani^ini: flics, l^nirctl Air Lines, Dude Rjnchcs: Jusc .i 
few Hours AwJV hv I'nircd Air Lines, undatetl, JHHS, tile 
21)02,1 1 99. 

'' In tile directory, each ranch h.icl approximarely 9(1 words to 
describe their location, their acconimod.ition. .ictt\'itics, .md rates 
and whether references were rci|uircd. In this dude ranch pro- 
motion, the Bear Paw, I5oul">lc Diamond, Halt Moon Ranch, 
Moose Head, Ramshorn, STS Ranch, and White Grass requested 
references. Only the Triangle X ni,idc no mention of references. 
W'yomini: Dude R.ukIi Direerorw 1939. 

20 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2005 

referencfs with prospective guests." In 194S. the 
Wvomiiii: Dude Ranch Dirccwryi 1 9-lS ) repeated that 
references were still an important element ot the dude 
ranch experience. ^ In addition, this discussion was 
extended m an essay titled "Hints to the Prospective 
Ranch Guest" where Larry Larom, presii.lent ot the 
Dude Ranchers' Association, makes clear the role ot 
creatine; an exclusive and "definite" dude group. 

Thcv will turnish business references and, in turn, manv 
request vou to do the same; and in any instances may 
also request an advance deposit, which will be placed 
to your credit upon \oLir arrival. . . . Moreover, the 
ranch owners are desirous of establishing a definite 
and congenial group for the duration ot their season, 
which, of course, is a very desirable feature in the eyes 
of anyone who wishes to become a member of such a 

Thus, the focus on the congenialit\' of the social group 
again put potential eludes on notice that they needed 
to be able to "tit in." 

Dude ranching in the Teton nexus ottered a set 
of varied business operations that worked to establish 
a class-based relationship with their dudes. During 
the Grand Dame era oi early dude ranches, these 
operations created the powerful perception ot an elite 
activity, often run with an east-west partnership that 
was only open to a very restricted upper class. The 
dude ranch connection with Philadelphia and the 
Pennsylvanian social register is indeed remarkable and 
a factor that worked to shape elude ranching through- 
out the first halt ot the twentieth century. The dude 
ranching business then expanded in dramatic fash- 
ion in the 1920s to offer a vast array of dude-like 
touristic activities, from the elite invitation-only dude 
ranch and often-exclusive )u\enile dude offerings, to 
the more middle class dude ranch experience whose 
clientele could not afford either the time or money 
for a more "traditional" dude ranching experience. 
Many ot these operations, though not all, worked to 
establish a selective dude clientele. 

Dude ranches established a number of methods 
to shape the dude business. First, the clearest evidence 
as to the exclusivity were the by invitation only op- 
erations, though little is known about these businesses. 
Second, was the request tor references. This worked 

to maintain a ht)mogeneous class ot individuals at each 
operation. It can be surmised that this method also 
worked informally, but no less powerfully to restrict 
African American and Jewish peoples, though there 
is no direct evidence to argue this. Third, would be 
the material production of class through the use of 
expensive, heavyweight paper to promote dude ranch- 
ing to indicate a superior establishment. Fourth, was 
that promotional materials dude ranchers listed pre- 
vious elude visitors and their occupations, another 
clear signal as to the expectations ot the ranch own- 
ers tor their dudes. Fifth, dude ranch promotional 
materials often gave direction tor the demeanor of 
guests, in particular that they should fit in with other 
guests, be congenial, or suffer elimination. Finally, 
restrictions also worked as visitors arrived and were 
tolel there was no room. 

Thus, class was an important factor in individual 
dude ranch promotional materials. The message about 
the selective and restrictive aspects ot d.ude ranching 
was echoed in promotional materials created by rail- 
roads, airlines, the Dude Ranchers Association, and 
under girded by the state of Wyoming. Though 
clearly not as overtly restrictive in the 1950s, it is 
illustrati\-e that one of the last dude ranches to open 
their doors in Grand Teton nexus, the R Lazy S 
Ranch, still worked to establish the character ot the 
duele's experience. 

'^ Wyoming Dude Ranchers Association and Wyoming Commerce 
and Industry Commission. Wyoming; Dude Ranch Directory 
(Cheyenne, Wyoming: Wyoming Commerce and Industry Com- 
mission, 19-tS). As late as 1948, the Bar BC, Double Diamond, 
Moose Head, Ramshorn, White Grass, and the Halt Moon all 
mentioned that references were requested. 

' Wyoming Dude Ranchers Association and Wyoming Com- 
merce and Industry Commission, 1948, p. 3. Larry Larom also 
draws a line ot S60 a week between the lower and higher bracket 
dude ranches, suggesting there is an important line to be un- 
derstood between dude ranches that have established them- 
selves "The rate of S60 per week can be taken as the dividing 
line between the ranches charging in the lower bracket and rhe 
higher bracket; and when you have decided whether you can 
attord to go above this S6() rate the number of ranches from 
which you will have to choose is naturally very much reduced," 
p. 2. This dividing line, the rate of S60 per week in 1948, gives 
us yet another guide as to the ways in which dude ranches were 

^" It should be made clear that not all dude ranchers were in favor 

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal --Autumn 2005 21 

The final iroiu' foi" tins ekiclc ranch nexus was that 
some dude ranch clitL-s, such as Struthers BLirt, soLiL;ht 
the creation ot a new national park that would he a 
"museum on the hoot. " In Lloint; so, Burt worked to 
restrict what he an^l his son Nathaniel saw as ul;I\', 
more middle class touristic de\'elopments aloni; the 
various roads in Jackson's Hole, hut maintain the 
more elite dude ranchini; business to i;i\e that west- 
ern da\'or. Places that were more Hollywood, like 
the Elbo Ranch, or sittiated alonu the roadwavs seek- 
ini; to attract o\ernii;ht as well as loni; term eludes, 
such as the Square G, the Hii,'hlands, and the X Quar- 
ter Circle X, encouraL;ed the micklle class tourists.''" 
Though there were more than twenty dude ranches 
operating at one time or another in the park, onl\- 
two dude ranches were operating in the park at the 

turn of the new millennium. In addition, the park has 
sought to do awa\' with the material remains of Llude 
ranching by atictioning, pulling down, burning, or 
leaving to rot these dude ranch landscapes. Ironically, 
111 extending the park to do away with the Ligly tour- 
istic aesthetic that the Burts so abhorred, with its ci m- 
straining policy ot lifetime leasing, the park also did 
away with dude ranch tourism. 

ot park extension. inckiJini; clie ToppinL:s at Moose HeaJ. In- 
deed, Moose Head is tlie onfy dude rantli that operates on its 
own land as an inliolding lett in tlie parl< today. 

22 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming Hislory Journal - Autumn 2005 



^pZT ^'^"'"^^^ Howard's 

"Camp of 2nd Cavalry on 
Platte River" near Fort 
Fetterman, Wyoming 
Territory. September 
1877 By Private Charles 
Howard. Courtesy 
National Archives. 

have now 
begun to 
more fully 
as primary 

In May 1876, twenty companies of cavalry and intantry gathered at Fort 
Fetterman, Wyoming Territory, in preparation to launching General George 
Crook's second campaign against the Lakota and Northern Cheyenne bands. 
Among the photographs attributed to this aspect of the Great Sioux War of 1876- 
77 is a view of the Second Cavalry encampment near Fort Fetterman, dated by 
some historians to the summer of 1876.' Was it possible that a photographer had 
been present at this remote garrison during these momentous events? If so, what 
other images might alst) have survived? 

Historians utilize primary sources to study the past, usually in the form of 
written documents such as books, diaries, newspapers, and reminiscences. A vari- 
ety of analytical techniques have been developed to study written sources in an 
effort to verify content and to place the information within its proper historical 
context. But tlie visual record has not received the same level of attention. Histo- 
rians have now begun to more fully explore photographic documents as primary 
historical sources. To be useful, the images must be examined as a group or a 
whole body of work and the provenance of the photographs must be accurately 
established. Who took the photographs, when were they taken, where, and why — 
all are critical to properly understanding their historical context.' 

Photographs of Fort Fetterman are rare. Established in 1867 on the banks of 
the North Platte River near the Bozeman Trail cutoff, this remote frontier garri- 

' Tom Lindmier, Drybone: A History of Fort Ferrermjn, Wionuni,' (Glf ntio, Wyoming: High Plains Press, 
2002), p. 78. One original example of this photograph is preserved in the National Archives and was 
first published in J. W. Vaughn, The Reynolds Campaign on Powder River (Norman: University of 
Oklahoma Press, 1961) p. 16. Hcdron recently suggested the photograph was taken either in the 
summer or fall of 1876. Paul L. Hedren, We Trailed die Sioux: Enlisted Men Speak on Custer, Crook, 
and the Great Sioux War (Stackpole Books, 2003) p. 34. 

- Joanna C. Scherer, "The Photographic Document: Photographs as Primary Data in Anthropological 
Enquiry," Anthropology and Photography 1S60-1920, ed. Elizabeth Edwards (New Haven: Yale Uni- 
versity Press, 1992), pp. 32-41. 

Annals of Wyoming : The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2Q05 23 

son was only occasionally visited hv phott)graphcTS. 
Inciependent photographer Ridg\va\' Glo\er passed 
through the area a vear before the garrison was biiilt, 
though none ot his images from this trip are known 
to have survived.' William H.Jackson, photographer 
with the U. S. Geological Sur\X'V, stoppei.1 hrietl\' at 
the post in 1S7(). He produced tlie earliest known 
\'iew ot the tort, showing a small cluster ot huilelings 
on an otherwise barren sagebrush hill.' 

Four images ha\'e now been attributei.1 b\- \ari- 
ous authors to the summer ot 1 S~6 at Fort Fetrerman. 
In addition to the photograph t)t the cavalry encamp- 
ment near the post, two views ot the garrison and a 
groLip portrait ot six otticers ha\e been identified, 
presumably all b\- the same artist. Two ot these im- 
ages were later published b\' D. S. Mitehell, leading 
one historian to conclude that Mitchell was the origi- 
nal photographer. 

Daniel Sedgley Mitchell ( l.S>S-lV2y) established 
a studio in Cdieyenne, \V\'oming Territorw m late 
1875. Within a tew months ot his arri\'al, Mitchell 
organized a group ot men to head north to the Black 
Hills. He lett Cheyenne with his camera b\' the sec- 
ond week ot March IS~Ci and was m Deadwood, 
Dakota Territory, by June, producing stereoviews ot 
the new mining settlements. No independent docu- 
mentary evidence indicates that Mitchell made the 
significant detour necessary to \'isit Fort Fetterman 
any time between his departure in March and his 
return to Che\'enne m October I(S76. Back m Chey- 
enne, Mitchell printeel sixt\' ot his negatives as a se- 
ries ot stereoscopic views he titled "Black Hills Gold 
Regions ancl Vicinity." No images ot Fort I'etterman 
were incliRled m this series, suggesting that Mitchell 
was not the original [-ihotographer ot the ca\'alr\' en- 

Ot the tour views trom Fort Fetterman, the most 
usetul tor establishing the time trame during which 
the photographer cotild ha\'e \isitei.l the garrison is 
the group portrait ot six identitied otticers. A recon- 
struction ot these men's mdix'idual mo\'ements basei.1 
upon arm\' records coiitirm that all six were at Fort 
Fetterman in 18^6, biit not at the same time. The 
photograph theretore could not ha\e been taken dur- 
ing the summer ot 18^6 as originalK' suggested. The 
only period during which all six otticers were present 

at Fort Fetterman at the same time was for a brief 
eight-da\' span in Sefitember 1877. Five ot the ottic- 
ers were part ot the regular garrison and the sixth. 
First Lieutenant Henr\' Seton, was \isiting the post 
as part ot the Stanton Fxpedition. 

C^aptam William S. Stanton. Chiet Engineer h)r 
the Department ot the Platte, was mapping the ma- 
jor roads between the torts within the department, 
with Lieutenant Seton attacheel to the sur\'e\' in com- 
mani.1 ot the expethtion s militar\- escort. Among 
Stanton's tield crew was a photographer, Pri\ate 
Charles HowarLl, who "secured whollv at his own ex- 
pense, except tor transportation, a \ery good set ot 
views, embracing all the military posts visited, char- 
acteristic Indian scenes, Indian camps, and the most 
striking scenery." The presence ot all six otticers anel 
a photographer at Fort Fetterman unee]ui\()call\- es- 
tablishes Howard as the original photographer tor 
this imaire.' 

P.iuLi [•Icmint;, "Ridtjw.iy Glover. Photoi;r,ipher," Anndli ot 
Wyoming 7 -i:2 (Spring 20U2): 1^-27. Fleming, "Photograph- 
ing the Plains Indians: Ridgway Glover at Forts Laramie and 
Phil Ke.irny. 1S66." The People i4' the ButKilo. \ol. 2 (Tatanks 
PreS',: W'yk aiit Foehr, Germany. 2005). pp. 6~-~S Fleming 
in^kideLl a pi)rrr,iit ot Standing Flk that she speeuLite^l might 
have been taken by Glover. Another copy ot this same por- 
trait, however, survives in the Union Pacitic Railroad Mu- 
seum together with an accompanying im.ige ot tour white 
men sitting on the same woiKlpile. The identity ot these men 
suggests that the Indian porttait was taken at Xotth Platte. 
Nebraska, sometime between 1867 and 1872 and theretore 
could not h.ive been one of Glover's negatives. 
William Henry Jackson Papers. New York Public Library. Peter 
B. Hales, W'illium HenryJ.ickson .inJ the Tr.insform.uion of the i.UH/,sc,i;"'c (Philadelphia Temple L'niversity Press. 

Diaries ot Captain John G. Bourke. volume IS p. I ""-)(), Li- 
brary ot the L'nited States Military Academy. West Point. 
New 'I'ork. Lindmier, Dryhone. pp. ~S, 81. 129. Paul L. 
Hei.lren, Fort Ljr.imlc In 1S~6: Chronicle ot ,i Frontier Poit at 
\V'jr(Lincoln: University ot Nebr.iska Press, 1988). p. 89. 

' Cheyenne Daily Leader. March 11 and Oct. ~, 18~6. Black 
Hills Pioneer. June 2-1. 1876. Mitchell later expanded his 
Bkick Hills series to an eighty-two stercoview set. 
Post Returns. Fort Fettetman. Wyoming, 18~6-~~ (Micro- 
copy 617 Roll 365); Regimental Returns, Fourth Infantry, 
1876-77 (Microcopy 665 Roll 47), and Third Cavalry, 
1ST6-"^ (Microcopy ^44 Roll .si). Records ot the Adjutant 
General Office (RG 94), National Archives (NA). 

^ "Annual Report ot Captain W. S. Stanton, Corps ot Engi- 
neers, for the Fiscal Year Ending June .sO, 1878," Annual 
Report of die Secretary of War, 187S, Appendix RR, Serial Set 
Volume 1846, p. 1705. 

24 Annals of VVvoming: The Wyoming History Journal --Autumn 2Q05 

"Group of Officers, Fort Fetterman, Wyo." Standing on tfie porch of the commanding officer's quarters, 
September 1877. By Private Charles Howard. From left to right: First Lieutenant Henry Seton, First 
Lieutenant George 0. Webster, Second Lieutenant Henry E. Robinson, Captain Edwin M. Coates, 
Captain Gerhard L. Luhn, and Captain William H. Andrews, Courtesy Amencan Heritage Center, 
University of Wyoming, 

Could Howard have also taken tlie view of the 
cavalry encampment near the post? While it is true 
that companies of the Second Cavalry did assemble 
at Fort Fetterman tor Crook's campaign in May 1876, 
the regiment also passed through this post a second 
time in the fall of 1877. Following the close of the 
Sioux War, eight companies of the Second Cavalry 
were ordered to the Department of Dakota to join 
the remainder of the regiment. Assembling at Medi- 
cine Bow, Wyoming, they departed on September 6 
and passed through Fort Fetterman during the same 
eight-day period that Howard was there with his cam- 
era. A second example of this same photograph has 
recently been found in a private collection bearing 
the imprint of Howard as photographer. The proper 
attribution of these photographs to Howard allows 
for a reconsideration of other images from eastern 
Wyoming that may also be the work of this same 

According to army records, Howard was born in 
Rockingham County, Virginia, about 1842. He en- 
listed in the army on June 16, 1875, at a recruiting 
office in Cleveland, Ohio, at the age of thirty-three. 
His enlistment papers describe him as 5 foot 5 ° inches 
tall, with hazel eyes, brown hair, and a dark com- 
plexion. From Cleveland, he was sent to Newport 
Barracks, Kentucky, for orientation and shortly af- 
terward forwarded to Omaha, Nebraska, headquar- 
ters for the Department of the Platte. A musician by 
trade, Howard was assigned to the Fourth Infantry 
Band at Fort Bridger in southwestern Wyoming. He 
left Omaha on September 7 with 158 other recruits 
and traveled by rail to Carter Station, then marched 

" Regimental Returns, Second Cavalry, September 1877 (Micro- 
copy 744 Roll 19), NA. Alfred E. Bates, "The Second Regi- 
ment of Cavalry," in Theo. F. Rodenbough and William L, 
Haskin (eds,). The Army of the United Scares: Historical Sketches 
of Staff and Line nith Portraits of Generals-in-Chiet (New York: 
Maynard, Merrill & Co., 1896), p. 189. 

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming History Journal - Autumn 2005 25 

the tlcvL-n miles south to Fott;er. He atri\'ed at 
his htst elutv station on the aftetnoon of September 
10, lcS75."' 

Where Howard learned his darkroom si<iils or 
obtained his eamera is not known, though a photOL;- 
rapher named Simon Pierson did work at I'Ort Bridi;er 
m 1S"(). A number of photOi;raphs ot the i;arrison 
from this petiod ha\'e survived, inekidini; two views 
ot the Fourth Intantr\ Band ot whieli Howard was a 
member. Perhaps Howard learned from Pierson or a 
possible sueeessor. With his newiv i;ained skills, the 
soldier-photographer did produce several \'iews of the 
post, including the otficer's cjuarters and nearby land- 
scapes like Church Butte and the Green River batl- 
lands. With the exception ot his unustial hobbw lite 
tor Howarel probably tollowed the regular milit.iry 
routine, thou!-;h his assignment to the reirimental 
band attorded him a tew privileges and an occasional 
opportunity to tra\el aw.iy trom the post. In JuK' 
1876, tor exami^le, he and other bandsmen were in- 
vited to Ogden, Utah Territor\', to pertorm at their 
centennial celebration. Howard was then gr.uited 
three days leave in Salt Lake City. Here he could have 
obtained photographic supplies at establishments such 
as the Art Bazar, the studio ot the noteel photogra- 
pher Charles Savage, betore returning to I*'ort 

Meanwhile, Captain Stanton was collecting stir- 
\u\ data to create a map ol milirar\' roads within the 
Department ot the Platte. An ISfn graduate of West 
Point, Stanton ser\ed tor nine years on various coastal 
assignments with the Army's Corps ot Engineers be- 
tore beint; detailed as chiet enuineer tor the Depart- 
ment ot the Platte in )une IS" t. He tirst super\ised 
the constrtiction ot an iron bridge across the North 
Platte Ri\'er near Fort Laramie and then surxeyed 
the road trom Cheyenne to the Red Clotid Agency. 
In May 1S76, Stanton accompaniei.1 C'rook's Big 
Horn and \'ellow'Stone Expedition launched against 
the northern Lakota and he participated in the Battle 
ot Rosebud Creek. Alter returning to Fort I'etterman 
with the wounded, Stantt)n spent two months in the 
tield surveying roads until torced to close his expedi- 
tion iof lack ot funding." 

'" Register of Enlistments, U.S. Armv. Volume 74 p. y| (Micro- 
copy 23.1 Roll .i9), NA. Returns, I'outth lnLuitr\', 

Colonel William S Stanton, Corps of Engineers, at about the 
time of his retirement in 1906. Courtesy Amencan Hentage 
Center. University of Wyoming, 

Sept 1S7T (loc. e;r.l. Post Returns, 1-ort BtiJger, September 1S~S 
(Microcopy 61" Roll 1 id), NA. 
' Returns. Fourth Int.uitrv, July 18^6 {loc. en-). Ogden 
Junction. ]v\\\ S, 1S"6, Census tor l.S7(), Fort Bridyer, Uinta 
County, Wyommt; Territory (Microcopy 59.^ Roll l"4S p, 5.V^), 
NA. Simon Pietson was born about IS 19 in Ohio aiul b\' IS80, he 
was uctrking as a ph(.)toi;tapher in Riehlanel CAiuntw Illinois, The 
two photographs ot the 4th Intantry baml were copieLJ by the 
Wyoming State Arthives trom i>ni;inals in a ptivate collection, the 
present whereabouts ot which is unknown (Cmdy L. Brown, Wyo- 
ming State Archives, to author, June 1 "), 2(.1(14). Bradley W, Richards, 
The Sdwjgc View: Chdrles S.ivdge. Pioneer Miirmun P/ior()i,T.i/"'/ier(Ne- 
vada City, Califotnia: Carl Mautz Publisiiing. 19"-;^). Thomas C. 
RaiKback and John P. Langelliet, The Drums W'oulJ Roll: A 
Hrstory of U.S. Army B.inJs on the Americ.m Frontier. IS(i6- I'-MH) 
(Poole, Dorset: Atms .md Armour Press, 198"), p. .^0. 
'- George W, Cullum, Bii\ Register ot the Otrieers .ind Gr.ulu- 
.iresotthe L'.S Miht.iry .-{e.iJenn .it West Point. WY., Volume .i (Bos- 
ton: FFoughton, Mittlin .S; Co., 1891) pp. s4-3'S. Stanton, "Ex- 
plotations and Surveys in the Department of the Platte," 
Report ot the Secretary ot Wdr, Setial Set volume 1676 (Washington 
D.C, IS"^) pp, 12.1 1- vs; ibiJ.. Serial Set volume P4T (Wash- 
ington D,C., 1876), pp. 70-4-18; ihiJ.. Serial volume 1796 (W.ish- 
ington D.C, 1877), pp. l.i81-97. Chatles M. Robinson III (ed). 
The Diaries otjohn Gregory Bourke. volume 1 (Denton, Texas: Uni- 
versity of North Texas Press, 200,i), p, .^.i9. 

26 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2005 

A small appropriation in the spring ot 1877 al- 
lowed Captain Stanton to resume his stirvey ot the 
military roads within the department tor a third sea- 
son. Hearing of Howard, Stanton wrote to the com- 
manding officer at Fort Bridget requesting the ser- 
vices of the soldier. "I have thought it would be an 
excellent opportunity to get a set ot photographic 
views of the posts and the most characteristic features 
in the scenery of the regions visited," Stanton wrote, 
"including views in the Black Hills and at the large 
Indian encampments." While Howard's photographs 
would be of value to the army, Stanton noted that 
the photographer's assignment might also be "to the 
advantage and perhaps profit of the man himself"'" 

Stanton's request was approved and Howard was 
detailed for dut\- with the expedition. On June 27, 
the enlisted soldier departed Fort Bridger, traveling 
by train to department headquarters in Omaha. His 
camera, chemicals, and developing equipment were 
forwarded to Cheyenne shortly afterward, where the 
expedition assembled on July 5 to make final prepa- 
rations for their departure. The survey party inducted 
Stanton as well as First Lieutenant Samuel M. Swigert, 
Second Cavalry, as next in commanti. First Lieuten- 
ant Henry Seton, Fourth Intantty, \\as detailed tor 
the c]uartermaster and commissary tunctions t)t the 
expedition, to which was later added the duties ot 
commanding the military escort. Rachus F. 
Koehneman, the only civilian employee in the crew, 
worked as the draughtsman, sketching the topogra- 
pliv and recording all compass, odometer, and aner- 
oid readings. Five privates ot the Ninth Intantry and 
four of the Second Cavalry were also assigned to the 
survey party, tasked with taking instrument readings 
and serving as chain and rod men, with one detailed 
as the camp cook. Howard rounded out the roster as 
the survey photographer." 

In Cheyenne, Howard produced his first photo- 
graphs of the expedition, including a view ot Chey- 
enne Depot where army supplies were unloaded trom 
rail cars and shipped overland to military posts 
throughout Wyoming. He also made at least tour 
images at nearby Fort D. A. Russell. Stanton's expe- 
dition departed Cheyenne on July 1 1 and began 
mapping the trail north toward the Black Hills. '^ 

The survey party arrived at Fort Laramie three 

days later on July 14, where they spent the next two 
weeks surveying the military reservation. Stanton 
tound the garrison to be considerably quieter in com- 
parison to his visit just a year earlier during the mo- 
mentous events of the Sioux "War. By the summer of 
18^7, most of the Indians had surrendered and were 
receiving rations at the Red Cloud and Spotted Tail 
agencies in northwestern Nebraska or at agencies 
along the Missouri River. 'While travel along the Black 
Hills trail became safer, the endeavor was not with- 
out some danger. Even as Stanton finished his survey 
work at Fort Laramie, Indians attacked another sur- 
vey party with a military escort under Second Lieu- 
tenant Henry R. Lemley along the eastern bound- 
ary of 'Wyoming near the Belle Fourche River. 'White 
bandits had also become a problem along the Chey- 
enne to Black Hills stage road. Six miles trom Fort 
Laramie, law otficers attempted to arrest the notori- 
ous Dune Blackburn and one ot his comrades, but 
the two escaped shortly afterward, killing Adolph 
Cuny in the process. Troops trom Fort Laramie set 
out in pursuit, but the road agents slipped away. The 
Indian attack on Lemley's survey party and the in- 
creased activity of road agents along the trail 
prompted Stantt)n to request a military escort. A ser- 
geant and nine soldiers trom Company C Ninth In- 
fantry joined Stanton."' 

' ' Stanton to Assistant Adjutant General, Department of Platte, May 
17, 1877 (vol. 4 p. 197); Stanton to Flint, June 14, 1877 (vol. 4 
p. 258); Stanton to Flint, June 15, 1877, (vol. 4 p. 263), Press 
Copies of Letters Sent, Chief of Engineers Records, Department 
of Platte, Records of Continental Commands (RG 39.3), NA. 

" Stanton to Flint, June 18, 1877 (vol. 4 p. 276); Stanton to True, 
June 19 and June 20, 1877 (vol. 4 pp. 277, 303), Press Copies of 
Letters Sent, Chief of Engineers Records, Department of Platte. 
AAG, Dept. Platte, to Stanton, July 3, 1877 (vol. 1 p. 172) Reg- 
ister of Letters Received, Chief of Engineers Records, Depart- 
ment of Platte. Records of Continental Commands (RG 393), 

'"" Details of Stanton's movements are based on Stanton's annual 
report for 1878 {loc. cit.). Howard's images are based on list 
from back of his stereoview (Figure 9) and from Mitchell, 
McGowan & Co. list. 

" Cheyenne Daily Sun. }u\y 22, July 24, and July 25, 1877; Chey- 
enne Daily Leader. July 23, 1877. Thomas Buecker, "'Can You 
Send Us Immediate Relief?: Army Expeditions to the North- 
ern Black Hills, 1876-1878," 5our/i Dakota History 25:2 (Sum- 
mer 1995): 97-115. Agnes 'Wright Spring, The Cheyenne and 
Black Hills Stage and Express Rouccs {Gkndale, California: Arthur 
H. Clarke Co., 1949), pp. 218-22. Regimental Returns, 9th In- 
fantry, July 1877 (Microcopy 665 Roll 104), NA. 

'John P. Langellier, "Desert Documentary: The 'William Lee Diary 

Annals of Wyoniinq: The Wyomina Histcrv Journal - Autumn 2005 

"Fort Laramie " By Private Charles Howard, either in July or September 1877, Courtesy Wyoming State 

While .It Fort Laramie, Howartl made se\eral 
negatives, including a general \iew ot the garrison, 
the post trai-ler's store, Stanton's new bridge over the 
Platte River, and two views ot the bachelor officers' 
quarters or "Old Bedlam" as the two-storied building 
was known. He also prociuced a photograph labeled 
"View on Laramie Ri\er," as vft undiscitvered. 
Howard's work added to the long \isual history of Fort 
Laramie, one ot the best photographed frontier garri- 
sons in Wyoming. For example, the Simpson Expedi- 
tion, with photographer C. C, Mills and his assistant, 
Eelward Jagiello, produced the earliest known photo- 
graph ot Fort Laramie in the stimmer ot IiS58. 
Alexander Gardner produced a series ot stereoviews 
and prints during the treaty negotiations in the sum- 
mer ot 1868. Ho\\an.l provided a glimpse ot the post 
trom the summer ot 1877.' 

From Fort Laramie, Stanton's survey crew con- 
tinued north mapping the Cheyenne-Deadwood trail. 
They paused tor a da\' at the military subpost "Camp 
on Hat Creek" to await the arrixal ot an additional 
detachment ot soldiers from Camp Robinson to bol- 
ster their military escort. At this point, the Black Hills 

Road torkei,l, with one route turning east and then 
north through Red Canyon and Custer Citw while 
the other route continued due north [xist the leiinev 
Stockade. The Stanton Expedition tollowei.1 the lat- 
ter trail. The\' tlnalK arri\ed in Deai-l\\()0(.l on Au- 
gust 1 1 where thev s|->ent the next t~i\e days taking 
measurements and resting. 

On August 1~, Stanton began surve\"ing the road 
west trom Deadwooel to Cantonment Reno, a new 
post being expanded on the Powi_ler River. Shortly 
atter crossing back into eastern \\'\oming, the expe- 
dition cam[^ed near Sun Dance Hill, near present 
Siini.lance, Wxommg. Se\eral members ot the sur- 
vey party climbed to its summit, recortling its ele\a- 
tion as 591 1 teet abo\'e sea le\'el. Howard also pho- 
tographed the prominent landmark. 

Account ot the }.imcs H, Simpson [:\pL-i,lirion. IS'iS-SS'," Anndh 
of Wyoming 59:2 (Fall 1987): .^6-4", Raymond J. DeMallic, 
"Scenes in ttie Country: A Portfolio ot Alexander 
Gardner's Stereographic Views of the 1868 Fort Laramie Treaty 
Councils," The M.igAzine ot W'cscern History .i 1 : .i (July 
1981): 42-59, 
^ Roliert A, Murray, Military Posrs in the Powder River Country of 

28 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2005 

"Sun Dance Hills, Dakota Ty., 
Black Hills" August 19, 1877. 
By Private Charles Howard, 
This landmark along the trail 
from Deadwood to Fort 
McKinney was actually 
located in Wyoming Territory 
near the present town of 
Sundance. Courtesy Denver 
Public Library. 

Continuing across the Powder River Basin, the 
expedition finally arrived at Cantonment Reno on 
August 26. Garrisoned by four companies of infan- 
try, the post was initially established in October 1876 
to serve as a temporary supply camp for Crook's troops 
operating in the field against the Lakota and North- 
ern Cheyenne. After the close of the winter cam- 
paign, the camp continued in order to maintain a 
military presence within the heart of Lakota buffalo 
country. By the time Stanton's Expedition arrived in 
August 1877, Cantonment Reno was beginning to 
take on some semblance of permanence. Howard's 
photograph of the garrison shows the crude log build- 

ings encircling the parade ground. Two other images 
by Howard include the original officer's quarters as 
well as the enlisted barracks under construction. Just 
days after Stanton's party departed, the official order 
was received renaming the post Fort McKinney, in 
honor of Lieutenant John A. McKinney killed at the 
Battle on Red Fork of the Powder River in Novem- 
ber 1876.''^ 

From Cantonment Reno, Stanton's party headed 
south to Fort Fetterman where they arrived on Sep- 
tember 4. During the next eight days as the expedi- 
tion re-supplied, Howard made several photographs 

Wyoming. 1S65-189^ (Lincoln: University ot Nebraska Press, 
1968), pp. 110-118. Robert A. Murray, "Cantonment Reno/Fort 
McKinney No. 1 - New Views of an Old Wyoming Army Post," 
Annals ofWyommg 48:2 (Fall 1976): 275-79. Murray believed that 
the three photographs at Cantonment Reno were not taken at the 
same time, however, they appear to have all been taken by Private 
Howard during his five days at the post in August 1877. For details 
ot Lieutenant McKinney 's death, see Jerome A. Greene, Morning D.iwn: The Ponder River Expedition and the Northern Chey- 
ennes, JS76 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2003). The 
post was moved to a new location in the summer of 1878. 
'" Diary, Oct. 8, 1877, Luther P. Bradley Papers, U. S. Military His- 
tory Institute. James A. Hanson, "A Forgotten Fur Trade Trail," 

"View of Fort McKinney, Powder River," late August 1877. By Private Charles Howard, Courtesy U.S. Military Academy. 

Annals of Wyoming: Tne ''.'.''yominq Hisior-, ^CLTnai -- Autumn 2005 

•-. i- 


■■Group of Officers, Fort McKinney. Wyo." Late August 1877. By Private Charles Howard Courtesy U S Military Academy. 

at the post. Ill aeklinon to the four images .ilrcady 
mcntioiifel, Howard [-iroduccJ negatives of the newly 
c'ompleteel cavalry stable, tiie officers' quarters, and a 
griiup pt)rtrait of Second Cavalry officers, all images 
as yet undiscovered. He also prc^duccd several land- 
scape views near the post. From Fort Fetterman, 
Stanton aiul his parry continued south to Rock Creek 
Station on the Union Pacific Railroad. Autumn was 
now rapidly descending upon the northern plains, 
with strong winds buffeting the crew and tempera- 
tures beginning to drop significantly at night. 

In mid-September, the survey party left the rail- 
road, heading north along the trail from Rock Creek 
to Fort Laramie. They lost one day of work when 
they accidentally \'entured off the main trail onto a 
wood road. The party rested in camp for two clays at 
Cottonwood Oeek near the base of Laramie Pe.ik 
while several of the survey crew climbed the moun- 
tain, recording its summit as 10, iS7 feet above sea 
level. Howard also produced a photograph of" the 

landmark. They finally arri\ed at Fort Laramie on 
September 2.t. 

After several days camping near Fort Laramie, 
Stanton and his survey crew headed northeast along 
the old Fort Pierre fur traele road to Camp Robinson, 
located on the White River in northwestern Nebraska 
adjacent to the Red Cloud Ageiicw Home to nearly 
eight thoLisaixl Oglala and Araciahoe, the agency 
served as the central distribution i-ioint for food, sup- 
plies ami annuity gotxls promised to these tribes in 
the I'ort Laramie Treaty of 1S6S. Stanton's expedi- 
tion armed on September }0 to fiiul consideralTle 
excitement among the Indians at the agencw The fa- 
mous Oglala war leader Crazy Horse had been killed 
just three weeks earlier and man\' of the prominent 
Lakota ami Arapahoe leaders were in Washington D. 
C. to meet with the president to express their con- 
cern about being mo\ed to the Missouri Ri\er. "In- 
dians are running after me e\ery day to know if there 
is an\' news from Washington abotit troimr to the 

30 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2005 

Missouri," Lieutenant Colonel Luther P. Bradley, post 
commander at Camp Robinson, recorded in his di- 
ary. "The poor fellows love the White River as much 
as they hate the JVIissouri, and they hate to leave it."''' 

During the four days that the Stanton expedi- 
tion worked at Camp Robinson, Howard protiuced 
his most important Indian photographs ot the trip. 
In addition to images ot encampments near the Red 
Cloud Agency, he apparently made a short trip to the 
nearby Spotted Tail Agency as well. Here, Howard 
captured views ot the beet issue, of Brule headmen in 
front of their lodges, and ot the late Crazy Horse's 
low scattold grave. While not equipped tor working 
indoors. Private Howard did produce a tew outdoor 
photographs of prominent Indians, including the last 
known portrait ot the Minneconjou headman Ro- 
man Nose. 

Stanton and his party left Camp Robinson on 
October 5 to map the Sidney stage road north to 

Deadwood, passing through Rapid City. They then 
returned south along the other cutoff of the Chey- 
enne trail through Custer City and to Hat Creek. 
From there, the expedition tollowed the telegraph 
road back to Camp Robinson. They arrived at the 
post on October 25, the same day that the Oglala left 
the Red Cloud Agency tor their new home on the 
Missouri River, escorted by two companies of the 
Third Cavalry. "I bid them God-speed," General Bra- 
dley wrote as the Indians departed, "and am glad to 
get them oft my hands.""" 

Nebraska History 68: \ (Spring 1987). Thomas R. Bueckcr, Fore 
Robinson and the American West, 7S7-i-iS9!? (Lincoln, Nebraska: 
Nebraska State Historical Society, 1999). James C. Olson, Red 
Cloud and the Sioiix Problem (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 
1965). Catherine Price, The Oglala People. 1841-1879: A Politi- 
cal History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996). 

-" Diary. October 25, 1877, Luther P. Bradley Papers, U. S. Mili- 
tary History Institute. 

'' Private Charles Howard ro James Carrer, dated "Sydney" Neb., 
Nov. 3, 1877. From the Carter Papers, private collection. 

"Beef Issue at SpottetJ Tail Agency, Neb." October 1877. By Private Charles Howard. Courtesy Princeton University. 

Annals of Wyoming The Wyoming Hislory Journal --Autumn 2005 31 

Witli winter rapKlIy elcsccndinu on the iiortlKiii 
Great Plains, the Stanton Expedition eleparteLl (^amp 
Robinson on October 2S, heaeliiiL; south to Sidney 
Barracks. Aloni; the route, they continued making 
measurements, despite tour to six inches ot snow and 
temperatures dropping below zero at night. The weary 
party arrived at Sidney Barracks on November 2 and 
the expedition otticially disbanded, having spent tour 
months in the field and having traveled more than 
thirteen huiulred miles. Howard took one ot his last 
photographs, a view ot Siclne\' Barracks. Stanton and 
his men spent the tollowing day packing their ecjuip- 
ment to be shipped back to Omaha. Howard took a 
tew moments ciuring their busy scheelule in SiLlney 
to write James Carter, clerk in Judge William A. 
Carter's post trader store at Fort Bridger. "I ex|iect to 
come back to Bridger betore long, " he commented. 
"I have made quite a collection ot negati\'es this sea- 
son but had a pretty rough trip of it.' 

Howard (.lid not return to Fort Bridger as he ex- 
pected. Instead, he was ordered to Omaha with 
Stanton where he remained on detached service tor 

another eight months. By earl}' 1(S78, Howaril had 
o[-)ened his own photographic studio at 2! 1 Douglas 
Street in Omaha and began printing his negatives in 
several ditterent tormats, including; lar^e prints, 
stereoviews, and carte-de-\'istas. In January 1S78, 
How.ird again wr(.)te to C.irter at Fort Bridger, en- 
closing a "catalogue ot the principle \'iews I took this 
[past] summer. " Regrettably, the enclosed catalog has 
not survived, though it was prt)bably the same list 
Howard printed on the back ot his stereoviews."^ 

While in Omaha, Private Howard apparenth met 
photographer D. S. Mitchell, who by this time had 
closed his studio in (1ie\'enne .iiul formei.1 a partner- 

-^ St.intun ni CO. Sidiicv B.irr.icl<s, Nov, 10, IS77, Press Copies 
ot Letters Sent (vof. -t p. -lOd). Ctiiet ot Engineers Records, 
Department ot Platte, Records ot Continental Commands 
(RG }9}), NA. Private Cliarles Howard to James Carter, Jan. 
4, 1878, Carter Papers, private collection. Wolfe's Omaha City 
Directory, (Omalia: Wnlte Piihlisliini;, 1S7,S), p. 168. 

"' A biography ot D. S. Mitchell and an analysis ot his photo- 
graphs is currently in progress. Ephriam D. Dickson III, Crazy 
Horse's Contemyioranes: D. 5. Micchell's Native Porcr.iics from 
the Red CItmd Aiicncy. Nebniska, 1S77, manuscript. 

Itt the Black Hills, Military Posts. Depart me nt Platte an»t Indian Camps, <ic. 

SIZE. 11 xl4. 




Quarterma-ster'b Residericfc, 
Cheveline Depot, 



Group of (irti.ers. Fort 
JlcKimiev, \Vv... 



Grouj) of utflcers. Fort 


Fetlermau, ^\ vo. 



Group of Utlicer.^ 2nd 





CompaDV " B" 4th infant 
rv, waitiiifj for Faiigue 'JatI 



Camp of 2Dd Cavalri oti 


Platte River. 



View of Ft->rt Mclviriney, 
Powiler River. 


New eavalr\ Stable at Fyrt 


Feltermaii. U vo. 



U Foit Fettermaii, W vo. 



\Sork lit a Fr 'ir.ier Pn.-t ; 

erecting quarters at Fort 

Camp Caoby, Red Cloud 
, Quarters at Fort Fetter- 
man, Wj'ominj. 
Rums «'f old Fort Reno, 
Powder River. 
Sidney Barracks, Neb. 
Fort Laramie, Wyu. 
Camp Sheridan, fveb. 
tamp Kobinaon, N'eb. 
Offii'er*s quarters at Fort- 
Deadwood City. 
?M Natural Bricipe, neir 
Fort Fetterman, over La- 
Frelle Creek. 
View { n Laramie River. 
Leeds City, Biaek Hills 
Platte River Br.d-e :it fort 

27. Sundante Hill. Black Hills. 
2fy. Laramie Peak. 

29. Jlining ui "liit'-wood 
Gulch. Black Hills 

30. Mountain Scene, BUck 

Hills oi Wyuminc. 

31. Crow Butte. 

32. Church Butte, (near Fort 
Bridjjer, Wyo.) 

33. Arappahoe Village iu White 
Kiver C.tuyon 

34. Waz-agie'd Camp, "Sioux " 

35. Spotted 'lail's Beef Is'^ue. 
36 Minuacnnso Sioux Village. 
37. Loafer Sioux Village. 

3^. Camp ot Cheyennes on 

Whice River 
30. Ara|>pihoe Camp. 

40. Arappahoe Chiefs, 'Group' 

10 X 12- 

41. Camp " E," 4th Infantry. 

42. 43. 44. 45. 46. Views in ] 
Bad Lands, near Ft. Bndger j 

47. Officers' Quarter^, Fort 
Bndger. ! 

Stereoscopic Views. 

4S. View OD La Prelte Creek. 

49. Hills City, Black HilL.. 

50. View in the Black Hills 

51. CdniDiii the Black Hills. i 
52 Cuilar City. 

53. B ar Rock. Black Hills. 

54. View in CustarCity. 

55. SutWr Store, Cam|> Caub). '. 
5tj. D^dvtood 

57. View on L.tmiuie River. 
5y. Fort Liraune i 

59. Platte River Brid^'e. 
tiO- Leeds City. 
<;i. Indian C.imp at Red Cloud : 
Au'ency. i 

62. C,S, Spotted^Tail's Faaiily. 

04. Two Stfil^es and family. 

<".,">. Little Ea^Me and family, 

00. Crjzv Horse's Gnive. 

(i7. Sp'ntetl Tail's family at 


CS White Thunder. 

(i'J. Hed Ooy:'s ViUai;e. 

7U. Crazv Horse's Village, 

71. Red Bear and family. 

72. Indian Council 

73. Camp Sheridan. 

74. Church Buttes. 


75 Touch the Clouds. Siuux 

7rt. Roman Nose. Siou.x Chief. 
77 Crazy Hurse's Grave. 
7b. Ute Indian Cbiifs. 

.\nd Xiimerous PUtiires 'Card Size" of Indians of UUrerent Tribes. 

Reverse of stereoview published by C. Howard, Omaha, Nebraska, ca. 1878. Courtesy Robert Koibe. 

32 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2005 

ship witli Joseph H. McGowan. Witli the support of 
the St. Louis firm Gatchel & Hyatt, Mitchell & 
McGowan operated initially as "Traveling Photogra- 
phers" moving from town to town along the Union 
Pacific route with their temporary tent studio. In late 
1877 or early 1878, they opened a permanent gal- 
ler\- in Omaha called the Great Western Photograph 
Publishing Company and began printing at least three 
different sets of stereoviews. Mitchell's series from the 
Black Hills in 1876 were reprinted as forty-nine views 
of the gold regit)n and they published a filty-tt)ur 
card set of Indian chiels portraits, mostly Oglala and 
Arapahoe from the Red Cloud Agency taken by 
Mitchell in the fall of 1877. The third set was a series 
of forty-three stereocards labeled "Military Posts and 
Indian Views," based on Private Howard's negatives. 
This suggests that the soldier either sold his negatives 
to Mitchell or more likely, became a business partner 
in the firm that now became known as Mitchell, 
McGowan and Company.-' 

The photographic partnership broke up in the 
fall of 1878. McGowan moved to North Platte to 
operate a gallery and Mitchell opened the Bee Hive 
Studio on Sixteenth Street in Omaha in partnership 
with May Cannell, whom he later married. Lacking 
tunds to complete his survey of military roads, 
Stanton decided not to attempt another summer ol 
field work and released Howard from his detached 
service in Omaha.-' In July 1878, Howard was trans- 
ferred to Fort Sanders near Laramie, 'Wyoming Ter- 
ritory, the new home ior the headc]Liarters staff of the 

Fourth Infantry. He packed up his camera, equipment, 
and negatives and was soon operating a new studio at 
Fort Sanders. In addition to producing portraits of 
soldiers at the post, Howard also continued to reprint 
some of the images originally sold by Mitchell & 
McGowan, suggesting that he might have taken cus- 
tody of the original negatives when the partnership 
dissolved. He was discharged from the army on June 
15, 1880, at Fort Sanders, his character marked as 
"excellent." '' 

What became of Howard following his five years 
in the army is as yet unknown. Despite this remain- 
ing mystery, Howard has left us a tremendous his- 
torical legacy, an important visual record of the fron- 
tier in eastern Wyoming. The recognition of his pho- 
tographic work may one day lead to a better under- 
standing of this illusive shutterbug. 

From his three seasons ot survey work, Stanron pubhshed his 
Tables ot Discances and Itineraries of Routes Between Military 
Posts in. and to certain Points Contiguous to, the Department ot 
the Platte (Engineers Office, Headquarters Department of the 
Platte: Omaha, Nebraska, December 1877). This publica- 
tion went through several later revisions. Stanton did not re- 
turn to his field survey until the summer of 1881. A drawing 
from this expedition was published in Frank Leshe's Illustrated 
Newspaper. Aug. 13, lSSl,p.400. 

Federal Census for 1880, Fort Sanders, Albany Co., Wyo- 
ming (T-9 Roll 1454 p. 54B). Regimental Returns, Fourth 
Infantry, 1877-1880 (Microcopy 665 Roll 47), NA. 

Annals of Wyoming The '.'Vyomirg H'Slor, 

Thomas Kennet- 
Were, an English 
gentleman and 
artist, traveled 
across the United 
States and part of 
Canada in 
1868 and 1869. 
He documented 
his trip by 
writing an 
account of his 
travels, which he 
titled "Nine 
Months in the 
United States," 
and by painting 
many scenes in 
watercolor. When 
he and his 
company reached 
Omaha in March 
1869, they 
boarded a train 
which would 
travel west along 
the soon to be 
completed Union 
Pacific line 
which ran 
through the 
southern portion 
of the Territory of 
Following is an 
excerpt of his 
journal describ- 
ing his time in 
Wyoming during 
March 1869. 



is^fhts. I'rat*^ 

■■Snowed up on the Prairie," watercolor by Thomas Kennet-Were of a Union Pacific tram stranded 
by a snowstorm west of Laramie, Wyoming Territory, in March 1869, Journal and watercolors are in the 
Thomas Kennet-Were Collection, American Hentage Center, University of Wyoming 

". . . At Chc-ycniu- (pronounced Sliian) the Railway Companv ha\x- built 
machine shops which will prohahlv attract trade; and as it is situated at the foot 
ot the Rocky MoLintams it is likciv to become a restini; place tor travelers. Be- 
tween Cheyenne and Laramie the hii^'hest point of" the line is reaehed, S.Jdi feet 
above the sea. At Laramie we were detained some hours, ^n<_\ as the accounts of 
snow on the line became more discourai,'ing we sallied out in search of a baker's 
shop, where we l^out^ht as man\- loaves as we could convementlv store away. 
Durini; the niL;ht we were continually awoke by the |oltini; of the car as it i^round 
throui^h the snow, and when we i^ot up in the morning; we found that by the 
attempts of the Llrivcr to chari;e throiiL;h the snow the coupliui; chains were 
broken. The eiiL^ine and freit^ht cars were about a i|uartcr of a mile ahead, a few 
hundred yards before us was a passen^uer car. and we m the last were stuck fast in 
a snow-drift. Here we remained 2h hours, durin^u which time we lull\- appreci- 
ated the comfort of a sleeping; car in which we were able to keep warm and to 
amuse ourselves by playmi,' cards and conversini; with our fellow passent,'ers. 
whose acquaintance by this time we had made. Our tinned meats here became 
very acceptable, thout^h I have never eaten anythint; so nasty as the\' were. They 
all tasted mouldy and stale, and the lobster had an extra flavour of \arnish. 1 was 
reminded of the ducks we used to eat in Egypt, the peculiar flavour of which we 
coLild never account for, until we discovered that one of our party, who had a 
taste for stuffing birds, was in the habit of skinning them before they went to the 
cook, whose sauces and condiments were pt)werless against the flavour of plaster 
of P<iris and arsenical soap. We attempted in the morning, after clearing the line 
of snow, to mo\'e the car, but the wind which had in the first place caused the 
snow-drift continued so high that our efforts were of no avail. We aj^pealed to 
the driver for help, but after he had secured our assistance in flllini; the tender 

34 Annais of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2005 

with snow water, he told us that on liis last trip he 
had taken 22 days to do what we had done in 12 
hours, and guessing that we had 'better bide quiet' he 
shut his door and went to sleep. Behind us we heard 
an engine whistling, and before us we could see an- 
other train which had lett Omaha two days before 
us, so we came to the conclusion that we had better 
take the driver's advice and accept the position. Dur- 
ing the day we saw elk, bear, wolves and antelopes on 
the neighbouring hills and we longed for snow shoes 
which would have enable us to explore the country. 
The following morning a snow train arrived. Dur- 
ing the winter these snow trains, provided with a 
kitchen, and carrying a little army of navies to clear 
the snow away from the cuttings, are kept perpetu- 
allv mo\'ing up and down the line. Directly the train 
appeared many of our passengers who were unpro- 
vided with food made a rush to the calabooses, where 
a tall nigger was ladling out light yellow coffee into 
tins, and another was frying very tough venison steaks 

over the stove. At 10 o'clock we succeeded in mov- 
ing, and in half an hour reached Rock Creek, where 
we found seven trains. As these had to be sorted, and 
the mails and passengers sent on, it was three o'clock 
before we left, after which we went slowly until eight 
in the evening when we again stopped, and at five in 
the morning put back to a station called Carbon. 
This is a place of great importance to the Company, 
as coal is here found. It crops up in various places to 
near to the track that it is lifted straight out of the 
mine on to the tender. At the house of some Irish, 
who had lately come from County Down, we ob- 
tained a breakfast. The poor creatures who had cho- 
sen such a wretched settlement had taken three weeks 
to come from Omaha, and had been forced to walk 
some portion of the way. At Rawlings we were de- 
prived of the sleeping car, which was a dreadful loss; 
but shortly after leaving it we were delighted to find 
that we had crossed the watershed of the continent, 
and that the water was now running west." 

Thomas Kennet-Were's watercolor of "Pine Bluffs City" in March 1869. Courtesy Thomas Kennet-Were Collection, 
Amencan Hentage Center. University of Wyoming. 

Annals of Wyoming The VVvcrriin:; Histor/ Journal -- Auiumn 2005 35 


Edited by 
Carl Hallberg 

Significant Recent Books 
on Western and 
Wyoming History 

The Last Eleven Days of Earl Durand. By Jerred 
Metz. Glendo: High Plains Press. 2005. Illustrations, 
index. Hardcover. S35.00; paper, $15.95. 

^ L-rrcd Metz' l^Dok, Thu Ljsc Eleven Days o/ Earl 
DiirctnJ. IS an excitint; read, but it is not a serious 
academic stud\' ot the tamed Wyoming outlaw 
*arl Durand. The hook is compriscci ot a series ot 
narratives based on inter\ie\vs witli \'arK)us Co(.l\' and 
Powell residents who knew Durand or were con- 
nectcel in some way to his various crimes anil the 
subsequent manhunt which ended with liarks eleath 
during an attempted rolil^erv ot the First National 
Bank ot Powelk L'ntortunatei\' tor the serious scholar 
ot the Durand case, Metz tails to indicate in the nar- 
rative or in an\' endnotes or tootnotes (ot which there 
are none) which material is trom the inter\iew or 
gleaned trom other historical resources. The listing 
ot onl}' six sources used outside ot the inter\iews ani.1 
the written elemonstration ot one example illustrat- 
ing his methodology ot bleneling oral inter\'iews with 
newspaper accounts do not otter much help in sort- 
ing out the contusion. 

A better system ot documentation would ha\e 
been beneticial tor clarit\ing some ot the more con- 
troversial aspects ot the story. For example, Metz in- 
tlicates in a number ot the narratives that the two 
men who Duranci killed i-luring the manhunt were 
not otticial posse members, but glor\' seekers look- 
ing to make a name tor themselves b\- bringing in a 
wanted killer, ^'et, it one looks at the otticial Park 
County records and local news accounts, these two 
men were listed as otticial members ot the posse and 
their tamilies did receive payment tor their ser\ices 

during the manhunt. The reader cannot tell it this 
bit ot misintormation is the result ot untountlcLl ru- 
mors circulating through these communities, whieh 
ma\' have been restated through the oral inter\iew- 
ers, or possibly Metz added this intormation to the 
narrative to enhance the story. Without the proper 
citations the reader is not able to sort out oral history 
trom other resources, unless the\' were given access 
to the recorded oral inter\iews which hopetullv the 
author will e\'entuall\' donate to a historical archive. 

Metz also tails to seriousK' examine the political, 
social, and cultural torces that shaped the e\ents that 
lei.1 to Durand's death. There is no comparison to 
other criminals or crime sprees that were common 
across the L^nited States ^.luring the Great Depres- 
sion, such as Prett\' Boy Flowl, John Dillinger, and 
Bonnie anel Clwle. The author also tails to seriousK' 
co\er's tamiU' and the earK lite e\ents that 
ma\- ha\e IclI this \-oung man into the series ot events 
that cost him his lite. 

This book otters little cl.iritication on Earl 
Durand's lite and crimes, inste.Kl we are lett woiuler- 
ing which ot the narratnes. man\' that conflict with 
one another in their accounts, is the most accurate. 
In short, it \'oli are looking tor a great story that is 
well written mtich in the st\ le ot a historical tictional 
work, this IS your book. A serious acatlemic study ot 
the Farl Durand case is still lacking, and this book 
does little to remedy that situation. 

Jerem\ Johnston 
Northwest College 
Powell, Wyoming 

36 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal -- Autumn 2005 

Finding Sand Creek: History, Archeology, and the 
1864 Massacre Site. By Jerome A. Greene and Dou- 
glas D. Scott. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 
2004. 240 pages. Illustrations, maps, notes, bibliogra- 
phy, index. Hardcover. S24.95. 

No\cml^er 29, 1864, is etched in the minds 
of anyone interested in the ciiltutal history 
of the West. That morning, more than seven 
hundred U.S. \olunteer soldiers attacked a Soutliern 
Chevenne and Arapaho village along Sand Creek in 
southeastern Colorado, killing men, women, and 
children and laying waste to their homes. The inci- 
dent is one of the most controversial events in the 
settlement of the American West. It is fitting that 
Congress in 1998, through the efforts of Colorado 
Senator Ben Nighthorse Campbell, passed the Sand 
Creek Massacre National Historic Site Study Act 
(Public Law 105-243) to find and preserve this im- 
portant landscape. 

Jerome A. Greene and Douglas D. Scott are ex- 
emplary scholars and they have written a gem of a 
book. They point out tlie great irt)ny of Sand Creek 
that impacted the ultimate course of the Plains In- 
dian Wars: "In a smgle destructive strike, the Colo- 
rado troops had eliminated all of the Cheyenne chiefs 
who had favored peace; tliose leaders who sur\ived 
Sand Creek thereafter became staunch advocates of" 
resistance" (p. 23). Decades of violent encounters 

Finding Sand Creek begins with an informative 
foreword by (diristine Whitacre, National Park Ser- 
vice historian, who outlines the scope and goals ot 
the project. Chapter one is a brief but thorough sum- 
mary about the Sand Creek massacre. Chapter two 
details the detective-like efforts by Greene and oth- 
ers to locate all pertinent historic records that might 
shed light on the true site location. The discovery of 
the 1868 Bonsall map at the Chicago Branch Center 
of the National Archives is a fascinating story, dem- 
onstrating once again how crucial archival clues of- 
ten are found in unexpected locations. Chapter three 
presents Scott's archaeological investigations to iden- 
tify the village and related areas. The recovery of shell 
and shot fragments from 1 2-pounder mountain how- 
itzer rounds is a significant development, as is the 
discovery of a round ball bullet cache (pp. 74-75) 

la)ing on the surface of a paleosol. Chapter four sets 
forth conclusions based on the successful integration 
of historical research, archaeological investigations, 
and the contributions of several other analysts, in- 
cluding Native American viewpoints. In fact, the 
multidisciplinary focus of this study is the most ad- 
mirable aspects of the entire project. 

The combination of the Bonsall map discovery 
and the presence of spherical case shot, in association 
with typical artifacts of a mid-nineteenth century 
Plains Indian camp, make a convincing argument 
that this is the Sand Creek Massacre site. The entire 
study also is supported by useful appendices that set 
forth basic documentary and physical evidence used 
in interpretations. The reader senses these investiga- 
tors have found what they were looking for. One 
comes away with the realization that there is more to 
learn from the archaeological record at the site it fu- 
ture plans call for more detailed investigations. 

Finding Sand Creek is an affordable book written 
for a broad audience. The volume fills a need at both 
the professional research and public interest levels of 
inquiry, not an easy feat for any author. The techni- 
cal content and endnotes are valuable tools for re- 
searching the Indian Wars Period, and the story is 
well told. Hopefully, land accjuisition will proceed 
and Sand Creek will be preserved for the enjoyment 
of future generations who wish to better understand 
our past. 

Mark E. Miller 
Wyoming State Archaeologist 

Ahead of Their Time: Wyoming Voices for Wilder- 
ness. Edited by Broughton Coburn and Leila Bruno. 
Sheridan: Wyoming Wilderness Association, 2004. 239 
pages. Paper, $14.95. 

The laudable goal of Ahead of their Time: Wyo- 
ming Voices for Wilderness is to document key 
figures in Wyoming's wilderness preservation 
movement. Ct)llecting local and regional history is a 
worthy endeavor, especially on a subject so hotly de- 
bated at the national level. The personal reminis- 
cences collected in this volume, when considered to- 
getiier, take on the character of a choir singing a fa- 
miliar chorus, and the relative obscurity of the "sing- 

Annals o( 'vV'/jmini;- The '."'.''vonung Histoi'v Journal - .-.u'^mr J: 

ers" onK' adtls to the siL;niticaiKX' and poiunaiUA' ol course, it is likely that this uilkx tion ot cssa\s will he 

their tune. \ leweti as sentimental aiul iiiistiklieel. AikI i;i\'en the 

The book is <.li\ieled into tour sections: the desig- paucity ot documentation emplo\ed to stipport these 

nation of the Wind Rixer Roadless /\rea in 1937; narratives, there is little with which the authors and 

actors m the [-lassatje of the N,itional Wilderness Act editors cm respond. 

ot 1964; indix'Kluals actixe between the [-lassaLje ot Sliannon Bow en 

national le,i;islation and another law specitically tor American Heritage CJcnter 

Wyoming; and people who testitiei.1 in support ot Uni\ersit\' ot W'Noniing 

the Wyoming Wilderness Act ot I'AS \. 'rhirt\-two 
writers were chosen to research, inter\iew, And stib- 
sei.]uentl\' write abotit one tigure important to wil- 
derness preservation within his or her cotintw They 
collected autlio inter\iews, news|ia|ier clippings, pho- 
tografihs, (.liaries, transLripts ot testimonw and other 
documents to support eaeh narratne. These support- 
ing materials ha\'e been deposited at the /\merican 
Heritage C^-nter at the L'ni\ersit\' t)t Wyoming, pro- 
vieling an additional resource to those wishing to ex- 
plore the subject turther. Cii\en the exteiisne research 
coiulucted. It IS surprising that exce|Tt tor the cotir- 
tesy lines accompan\'ing the [photographs, citations 
are almost completeh' missing. 

Lhitortunatel)', the reader cannot experience this 
text as a choral ottering. When ex.imined in sec]uence, 
the narratives become monotonous. Much ot the 
imager\' emplo\eel is repetitne, erroneousK' begging 
the c]Liestion ot whether or not the unique w ilderness 
gems elescribed might be more simikir to one an- 
other than ditterent. Their preciousness is tinder- 
mined b\ the very terms used to illustrate them. 
L'napologef ically nostalgic, this \'olume ttinctions best 
as a literar\' scrapbook. It tocuses on personal experi- 
ences in a tender aiiLl intimate wa\'. Readers tmta- 
miliar with the indixn-kials, organiz:ations, aiul lands 
might well ask, "Wh\' shotild 1 Lare.-" And w h\' should 
AhcjJ ot chcir Time's w Titers care whether amone else 
does.^ Because garnering broad-based ptiblic support 
tor wilderness preser\ation is that important. 

This book IS an example ot tremendous coopera- 
tion anel collaboration arotuiLl an all too imp>ort.uit 
issue, but It lacks the circumspection .md seholarly 
rigor to make it noteworth\' m the larger realm of 
historical inc]uir\' into the environment. Still, the text 
is marked by tremeiulotis ter\'enc\' and coiniction, 
and that has to cotinr tor something. LIntortunatclw 
in the politicalh' chargei.1 arena ot enxironmcntal dis- 

~,ir.3's of V\",'oniinQ: The Wyominci Histon,' Journal -- Autumn 2005 


Amanda Rees 

"A Classless Society": Dude Runcbini; in the Terons 1 90S- 195 5. page 2 

Amanda Rces Ph.D. is an assistant pR)fessor in the Department ot History 
and Geography at Columbus State University, Georgia. Her initial research 
in Wyoming dude ranches was funded by a grant from the American Heri- 
tage Center, and her Grand Teton dude ranch research was i:unded by a grant 
from the University of Wyoming-National Park Service Research Station. 
She enjoys talking about dude ranching and has spoken to the Wyoming 
Dude Ranching Association annual meeting, the Dubois Musuem, and at the 
University of Wyoming-National Park Service Research Statit)n in Jackson. 
Dr. Rees's other research interests include the contemporary Great Plains, 
and she has recently edited volume on the Great Plains Region, and she has 
also written on the new architectural and planning movement, New Urban- 

Epriam D. Dickson, III 

Soldier with a Camera: Private Charles Howard's Photographic Journey 

Through Eastern Wyoming, 1S77, page 22 

Ephriam D. Dickson, III, is director of education at the Utah Museum ot 
Natural History, with a special research interest in Lakota-U.S. government 
relations. He is currently completing a manuscript on photographer D. S. 
Mitchell and his 1877 portraits of the Oglala leadership at the Red Cloud 

Annals pi Wvominrj. The VVYO"iir.q hisio^v JouT-ai 


"A Cl.issli.-ss SucKty' DlkIc K.uKlimi; 

in the Tctons I V(I,S- 1 iJS^," hy 

Am.uul.i Rc-cs 2-2 I 
Ahc.ulof Tlivir Time- \\'\iiinini: Wiicci 

tor \V/A/cr/)o.v cditci,! hv HrdLiyluiin 

Coburn .iiiil I.L'il.i BniiKi, rrvicwctl 

14-3 T 

AlhriL'hr, Hor.n.!.' (i 

Albright. Jill M BC R.iiuh ^-S. I.i-I i. I') ( 2) 

B.if Nriiu- R.ini.h II). 12 P.i\v R.ini,h IS, I 7, 1 1) 

Beery, W.tlLice I i 

Bispm.m. Tiaker cS 

Bkickhurn. Duiu 2(i 

Borne, L.i\\rcni.L >- (. (> 

Bnwen, Sh.innun, reMcwer (<{ Ahc.ul 
[1/ 77it/r Tunc \\'\iiniii\i: WuLcstor 

BrLinii, I.eil.i .mil BniLightnn 
C.iibiirn, Ahc.ul ol Their Time: 
W'n imi;ji.' \ 'i mt-s /( >r \V ikkrncss. 
rexieweil 3-f-3S 

BiirlinuTiin i^ yiiiiKN R.ulm.ul I ,S- 

Burt, N.uh.iniel 2. i. 7-,S. 1 ), 21 

Burt, Struthcrs (i-,S. i^, 21 

Byron, Ch.irles I N 

C.unp Robinson 3<*- ^ I 

(..intonmcnt Reiin 2.S 

Carh.irt, Arthur -I 

Carncross, I lor.iie iS 

C.irtcr, J.uncs 3 I 

Cheyenne, WyomiiiL: 23, 26, 31 

Circle H R.mth lll-l I. I' 

Cl.irk, Joseph I I 

Coburn, Broughton .uul Leil.i 

Bruno, i>f Their Tune: 

WyoniHiL: ^ i "i t", /i t W'lLlerness. 
reviewed 3 (-33 
(rook, George 22. 25 
Cuny, Ailolph 2h 
D.rnn\' R.ukIi 10-11 
D.iLighert)', John 3-1 
Dickson, Ephn.ini III, .luthor 22-31 

(bio 36) 
Double Di.iniond R.uuh 10-12. IS 
Dude R.tnch Associ.itinn 3, l,S-20 
Dude r.iiiehin,!; 2-2 1 
E.itons R.inch 12 (photo I 3i 
Elbo R.iiich 10-11, 13-1 I, 21 
Estes, Bustet I 3 
Estes, Frances 13 

Findini; Creek: I lisiorv. Archeol- 
ogy, .ind the IS(> I M.tss.icre Site. h\ 

Jerome A Cireene, rexieweil 3-1 
Elying \' R.mch 10-11 
Forest Service 3, 5, 12 
Fort Brulger 2-1-26, 31 
Enrt n A Russill 26 

liiri |-"ette 

'U 2S-2') 

l-ntt 2'^-2''. 2') (phmo 27) 

l-ort MiKinney 2S iphotos 2S, 29) 

l-ort S.nulers 32 

I\- F R.imh 10, 12 

C.ibbv. AW 14-13 

Gabby, Eid\ It- IS 

Gi;^y.icke, l.lniot "C iss\-' F.itterson S 

Glover, Ridgu'.i\- 23, JM 13 

Grand 'Fetiin N.itinnal Park 2-20 

Crrand Tetons 2-20 

Greene Jeronu- A,. TinduiL: 
I reek Uiscorw ,-{rcheoloi:v. .md the 
ISdi A/.iss.iirt- 5/re, reviewed 34 

Half M.H.n R.mJi 10-12 

I l.imn-mnil, 1 l.irold S 

Harrison, kihel 17 

I l.u-tisoii, I j.itr\ I "" 

lli.-hkinds R.mi.h IS, 2 1 

Howard, Charles 22-31 

Hubbard, Ehza 17 

Huyler, Coulter 17 

Coulter, J.n.k 17 

J.ickson Hole, Wyoming 3-S, I 1.1-1, 

Jackson L.ike t-S, 12 
J.icksoii, William II 23 
J.igiello, |-,dward 27 
Jenkins. Glori.i IS 
Jenkins, Jc.inne IS 
Johnston. Jeremy, re\ lewcr of The i.isr 

lileven D.iys < >t E.irl Dur.ind .'i.'i 
Joy, Louis 7-S 
J^' Ranch 7-S, R.uluis F 26 
Krandeiiburg, Bob I 4 
Kunstcl, i\I,itci.i S 
k.itoni, k.u-r\ 20 
77u- l.isi Tlc\en D.its <ifT.irl Dur.ind. 

b\ lerrcil ,\Iet/, te\'lew-ei.l 33 
Leek. Stephen 1 2 
Lemlc\, llcnr\- R 26 
Lesher, .\Lir\el I 7- IS 
M.inges, |in-ii-n\- 17 
McCullough, George 12 
McGow.iii, Joseph H, 32 
Me.irs. Frances 1 3 

Met/-. Jerred, The L.isr Eleven D.irs o^ 
L.irl Dnr.ind. reviewed 33 

Miller, M.irk L , reviewer of I'liulini: 
S.iikI (.reek Historv. An henloi:\ , .unl 
the ISO I A/.iss.nrc- Sue 34 

Mills, C-C, 27 

Mitchell, D.iniel Sedglc\ 23 

Moose Ranch IS- 16 

Murie, M.irgaret I 3 

Mufie, Olaus 13 

National Patk Scr\Ke 3-( 

Northwest Aithnes I ') 

Oliver, Eniih I 2 

Phil.idel|ihi.i, Pcni-is\l\,ini,i S, 20 

Pierson, Simon 2S 

R L.izy S R.inch IS, 2(1 

Rees, Amand.i. .lutlior 2-21 (bio 36l 

Rock Creek Station 20 

Rockingham Count\, X'ltgini.i 2* 

Rockefeller, John I) 6 

Rodnitzky, Jctome 6 

Rothman, S-6 

Rudd, Robett I ( 

S.iv.ige, Chatlcs 2S 

Scott, J.imes I 3 

Sensenb.uh, Lh/.ibcrli IS 
Sensenb.iLli, H.irr\ IS 
Scton, Henr\ 23, 26 
"Soldier with .1 ( .imera Pri\are 
Charles l-|o\\atd s Photogtaphic 
Journey through L.istcrn Wvi'ming," 
by D Dicksnn, III 22-31 
Snake River L.iiid ( ompain 6 
Square G Ranch II, Is- IS, 21 
Spotted Tail Ageiu\- 30 (|ilioio 30i 
Stanlord, Eva IS- 1 6 
Stanton. S 23, 2S-31 (photo 

Stewart, Hcnr\ S 
STS Ranch II, 1 .s 
Swigert, M 26 
Teton Bo\-s ( .imp 3. 10-12 
Topping. Fred I S- 1 d 
Trail Ranch I 0- i I 
Tri.mglc X R.iiuh 3. 10-12. IS (photos 

2. IS. n-i.ip |(,i 
Cnion P.iLitK R.iilro.ul IS-IO 
L niteil Aitlincs 1 
White Grass R.imh ^-9, 10 iniap 0, photo 

Williams, Fran I I 
Wolf, Wyoming 1 2 
Woodward, George 12 
W'robel, D.u-id 7 
Wyoming Department ol ( omn-ierce 

and lndustr\ 19-20 
X Quarter Circle X IS, 17-l,s, 21 

40 Annals of Wyoming: The Wyoming History Journal --Autumn 2005 


Order Yours Before 
We Sell Out Again! 

Finally, this classic 8.5" x 11" hardcover volume 
has been reprinted. The book features over 250 
pages of informative text and countless historic 
photographs from Wyoming's rich history. 

The book is only $40.00 and is available through 
some county chapters of the Wyoming State 
Historical Society, select museums and sponsor 
banks. If you prefer, you may add $6.00 for postage 
and the book will be shipped straight to your door! 

To fmd out where to buy the book in your area, please contact the Wyoming 
State Historical Society at (307) 635-4881. Or, send your check in the amount 
of $46.00 direcdy to die Wyoming State Historical Society at WSHS Book 
Project, 1740H184 Dell Range Blvd., Cheyenne, WY 82009. 


\A/yoming Picture